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Archive for the 'ECB' Category


Euro finance ministers to agree on Greek aid: source

Posted by WARREN MOSLER on 15th March 2010

Without an interest rate and a credible quantity pledged, the agreement is grossly deficient.

The way Greece obtains funding is by offering ever higher rates until there is a taker.

So let’s say they offer securities at 5%, then 6, then 7, then 10, then 15, then 20 with no takers. How high do they go before they tell the EU group they have failed to obtain funding?
And then what rate does the EU charge them if they agree?

The process makes no sense.

The way to do it is for the EU group to offer funding at some rate, giving Greece some amount of time to try to find a better rate.

Euro finance ministers to agree on Greek aid: source

By Jan Strupczewski

March 13 (Reuters) — Euro zone finance ministers are likely to agree on Monday on a mechanism for aiding Greece financially, if it is required, but will leave out any sums until Athens asks for them, an EU source said on Saturday.

Policymakers have been debating possible financial support for the heavily-indebted European Union member state for more than a month, but have provided only words of support. Germany, key to any deal, has resisted appeals to promise aid.

British newspaper The Guardian on Saturday quoted sources as saying Monday’s meeting of the currency zone’s 16 finance ministers would agree to make aid of up to 25 billion euros available.

But a senior EU source with knowledge of preparations for Monday’s meeting told Reuters no numbers were likely at this stage.

“I think we should be able to agree on principles of a euro area facility for coordinated assistance. The European Commission and the Eurogroup task force would have the mandate to finalize the work,” the source said.

“It would be the principles and parameters of a facility or mechanism, which then could be activated if needed and requested.

He said no figure had been agreed.

“You would have a framework mechanism and you would have blank spaces for the numbers because there has been no request (from Greece) yet,” the source said.

Greece has announced steps to reduce its budget deficit this year to 8.7 percent of GDP from 12.7 percent in 2009, triggering street protests and strikes but also reducing market concern over whether the country would be able to service its debt.

That helped Athens sell its bonds with ease on debt markets earlier this month, but policymakers are still searching for ways of making its cost of borrowing — still far above that of other Europeans — more sustainable.

They are also concerned that the problems in Greece could undermine confidence in the euro and spread to other heavily indebted eurozone countries such as Portugal or Spain.

CUTBACKS

The EU source said that among the instruments considered to help Greece were both bilateral loans and loan guarantees.

“The preparations have been done under the Eurogroup by member states and the Commission. The Commission has done much of the technical work,” the source said.

“The aim of the exercise so far has been to do the technical preparations, so that the political decision could be possible on Monday. Germany holds the key at the moment.”

Polls show that public opinion in Europe’s biggest economy Germany is strongly opposed to bailing out Greece, which has for years provided unreliable statistics about the true size of its deficit and debt, breaking EU budget rules.

In a move that is likely to alleviate German concerns about spending money on Greece, the Commission has said it would soon make a proposal for stronger economic cooperation between euro zone countries and tighter surveillance of their performance.

French Economy Minister Christine Lagarde told the Wall Street Journal she believed Greece’s austerity moves were behind the improvement in its situation on markets and negated the need for a bailout.

“”There is no such thing as a bailout plan which would have been approved, agreed or otherwise, because there is no need for such a thing,” she said.

But she added that “technical experts” at the EU have been working on a contingency plan, so that if the need arose “all we would have to do is press the button.”

The Guardian quoted a senior official at the European, the EU executive, official as saying the euro zone members had agreed on “coordinated bilateral contributions” in the form of loans or loan guarantees if Athens was unable to refinance its debts and called on the EU for help.

The agreement has been tailored to avoid breaking the rules governing the operation of the euro currency which bar a bailout for a country on the brink of bankruptcy, and to avoid a challenge by Germany’s supreme court, the official said.

A German ministry spokesman said he could not believe the newspaper’s report on the bailout plan was correct.

“We are not aware that this is being planned,” he said, adding that Greece had not requested any aid. “Greece is implementing its (savings) program and we expect that it will manage it alone.”

(Additional reporting by Tim Pearce in London, Pete Harrison in Brussels and Volker Warkentin in Berlin, Writing by Sarah Marsh and Jan Strupczewski; Editing by Patrick Graham)

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Posted in Currencies, ECB, EU, Germany | No Comments »

The Eurozone Solution For Greece Is A Very “Clever Bluff”?

Posted by WARREN MOSLER on 15th March 2010

The Eurozone Solution For Greece Is A Very “Clever Bluff”?

The Guardian is today reporting that, after weeks of crisis, the Eurozone has agreed to what appears to be a multibillion-euro assistance package for Greece that will be finalized on Monday. Member states have apparently agreed on “coordinated bilateral contributions” in the form of loans or loan guarantees to Greece, but only if Athens finds that it is unable to refinance its soaring debt and asks for help. Other sources said the aid could total €25bn (£22.6bn) to meet funding needs estimated in European capitals that Greece could need up to €55bn by the end of this year.

Once again, however, since funding is a function of interest rates, this proposal has the appearance of a very “clever bluff”. It says nothing about how high interest rates for Greece would have to go before the Greek government is somehow declared unable to refinance, and asks for additional help. The member nations probably structured the loan package and terms this way hoping to try to draw in lenders who would rely on this member nation as a back stop when making their investment decisions. However, if this ploy fails, Greek rates will go sky high in an attempt to refinance, and as Greece asks for more help, the spike in rates will make it all the more difficult for the entire Eurozone monetary system to function. Additionally, the prerequisite austerity measures will subtract aggregate demand in Greece and the rest of the Eurozone, and, to some extent, the rest of the world as well.

I have a very different proposal. It is designed to be fair to all, and not a relief package for any one member nation. It is also designed to not add nor subtract from aggregate demand, and also provide an effective enforcement tool for any measures the Eurozone wishes to introduce.

My proposal is for the ECB to distribute 1 trillion euro annually to the national governments on a per capita basis. The per capita criteria means that it is neither a targeted bailout nor a reward for bad behavior. This distribution would immediately adjust national government debt ratios downward which eases credit fears without triggering additional national government spending. This serves to dramatically ease credit tensions and thereby foster normal functioning of the credit markets for the national government debt issues.

The 1 trillion euro distribution would not add to aggregate demand or inflation, as member nation spending and tax policy are in any case restricted by the Maastricht criteria. Furthermore, making this distribution an annual event greatly enhances enforcement of EU rules, as the penalty for non compliance can be the withholding of annual payments. This is vastly more effective than the current arrangement of fines and penalties for non compliance, which have proven themselves unenforceable as a practical matter.

There are no operational obstacles to the crediting of the accounts of the national governments by the ECB. What would likely be required is approval by the finance ministers. I see no reason why any would object, as this proposal serves to both reduce national debt levels of all member nations and at the same time tighten the control of the European Union over national government finances.

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Posted in Credit, Currencies, ECB, EU, Germany, Government Spending | No Comments »

EU Should Create Euro-Area Monetary Fund

Posted by WARREN MOSLER on 9th March 2010

They already have one that can deal with it operationally.
It’s called the ECB.

And my annual per capita distribution of 5% of GDP to the member nations remains the only viable, sustainable solution I’ve seen.

EU Should Create Euro-Area Monetary Fund, Sweden’s Borg Says

By Johan Carlstrom

March 9 (Bloomberg) — The European Union should consider
creating a body similar to the International Monetary Fund to
help distressed euro-area members and sharpen fiscal discipline
in the bloc, Swedish Finance Minister Anders Borg said.

“It’s good if we get an organization that can more
concretely help countries with financial problems,” Borg said
at the office of Prime Minister Fredrik Reinfeldt in Stockholm
today. “Most important, of course, is that we tighten the rules
to make sure that euro countries that are misbehaving cease to
do so.”

The European Commission, the EU executive in Brussels,
yesterday said it’s drawing up plans for a lender of last resort,
or a European Monetary Fund, as leaders try to draw lessons from
the Greek fiscal crisis. Borg said the EU also needs to find
ways to enforce more rigorously the Stability and Growth Pact
rules, which stipulate budget deficits shouldn’t exceed 3
percent of gross domestic product.

If budget rules are breached, the EU needs to consider
imposing “sanctions,” Borg said.

Marking a potential split among EU leaders, French Finance
Minister Christine Lagarde said an EMF may not be the best way
to support fiscally distressed countries. Consideration
shouldn’t be “limited to a European Monetary Fund,” Lagarde
said today. “Other ideas need to be studied and those that
respect the Lisbon treaty are much preferable.”

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Posted in ECB | 40 Comments »

Eurozone buying time

Posted by WARREN MOSLER on 7th March 2010

Looks like behind the scenes they may be getting their banks to fund Greece and, by extension, any other national govt. this which will buy time, though longer term it depreciates the currency, which they may want to happen as well.

As long as the banks can carry their eurozone bonds at par and book the interest as earnings and fund themselves based on implied govt guarantees there is no operational limit to how long they can continue.

The limits would be the extent to which the banking laws restrict this practice, and the political tolerance for any inflation that may get imported through the fx window should the euro continue to fall.

The other problem is the downward pressure on aggregate demand of the prerequisite ‘fiscal consolidation’ is likely to result in increased social unrest as living conditions further deteriorate.

And this could be accelerated if the fiscal consolidation were to include reductions of transfer payments.

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Posted in ECB, Germany | 33 Comments »

EU Daily | Europe’s Recovery Almost Stalls as Investment Drops

Posted by WARREN MOSLER on 4th March 2010

Not a good time for Greece and others to be cutting agg demand with
spending cuts and tax hikes, but that’s what the euro’s institutional structure ‘demands.’

The risk is this fiscal constraint employed to reduce national deficits will further reduce demand, which causes revenues to fall further and transfer payments to increase further, resulting in even larger deficits, etc.

But nothing will change unless things get bad enough, which obviously they are not.

EU Headlines:

Europe’s Recovery Almost Stalls as Investment Drops

German Machine Orders Fell in January on Weak Domestic Demand

EU Says Competitiveness of Greek Economy Down ‘Substantially’

French Unemployment Rate Increases as Companies Trim Payrolls

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Posted in ECB, EU | 2 Comments »

ECB likely to extend lending unlimited funds at fixed

Posted by WARREN MOSLER on 24th February 2010

At least part of the ECB has repeatedly shown they do understand monetary operations and that it’s about price and not quantity.

Subject: RTRS-ECB LIKELY TO EXTEND LENDING UNLIMITED FUNDS AT FIXED

RTRS-ECB LIKELY TO EXTEND LENDING UNLIMITED FUNDS AT FIXED
RATES INTO START OF Q3 AT MARCH MEETING-EURO ZONE MONETARY
SOURCES
RTRS-SOME AT ECB CONCERNED ABOUT KEEPING LONGER-TERM OPS AT
FIXED RATES FOR TOO LONG- EURO ZONE C.BANK SOURCES
RTRS-IMPORTANT TO PROVIDE INSTRUMENTS TO COVER 12-MONTH TENDER
MATURING ON JULY 1

on the back of above headlines
-curve steepening back, 2bps move
-front end bid
-pers better bid (Greece 5bps move)

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Posted in ECB | 4 Comments »

EU Says There Is No Plan to Bail Out Greece

Posted by WARREN MOSLER on 23rd February 2010

The markets are likely to force some entity to write a check:

EU Headlines:

EU Says There Is No Plan to Bail Out Greece

Provopoulos Confident Greece Will Meet ‘Very Ambitious’ Goals

Euro Worst to Come as Greece Hammerlocks ECB on Rates

German Recovery ‘Prone to Setbacks,’ Finance Ministry Says

French Lawmaker Warns Sarkozy Against Hasty Support for Greece

Five Percent of German Taxpayers Generate 42% of Income Tax

Debt Deals Haunt Europe

Greece Said to Have Arranged Swaps With 15 Banks

Greece looks at tougher budget cuts

Greek PM rules out bailout but urges EU solidarity

EU Says There Is No Plan to Bail Out Greece

Feb. 22 (Bloomberg) — The European Union said there is no plan to bail out Greece.

“There is no such a plan,” EU spokesman Amadeu Altafaj told reporters in Brussels today. “This is a speculative scenario at this point in time.”

“I was reading the papers when I also realized that in fact that there is no such a plan,” Altafaj said. “I think that the extraordinary summit and the Ecofin said all that had to be said on this and there has never been such a request from the Greek authorities and that remains the case.”

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Posted in ECB | 1 Comment »

quick thought on the euro

Posted by WARREN MOSLER on 18th February 2010

The 100 day moving average of the dollar index has started moving up, and the 200 day isn’t far behind.

This means futures based and other trend followers will start piling in, depending on their
system parameters. With the dollar index 57.6% euro this will but serious downward pressure on the euro for purely technical reasons.

questions:

Where do euribor swaps get priced if euribor settings cease?
Are there default provisions to deal with this possibility?

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Posted in Currencies, ECB | 3 Comments »

Eurozone downward spiral continues

Posted by WARREN MOSLER on 18th February 2010

Looks to me to be getting more desperate with increasing rhetorical nonsense.

Higher deficits due to falling revenues and rising transfer payments simultaneously weaken both the euro and national govt credit worthiness in a race against time.

And any budget cuts will only further cut aggregate demand and output, cut already falling tax revenues,
and increase unemployment and transfer payments, adding to deficits and further eroding creditworthiness.

The only hope is for a quick enough recovery that brings down deficits through exports, or, evern more unlikely, through domestic credit expansion, before the rapidly deteriorating national govt credit worthiness results in systemic failure of the payments system.

The ramifications of a banking sytem where deposits are guaranteed only by the national govts as yet
to make front page discussion, but nonetheless this structural flaw remains an ongoing source of system
risk capable of shutting down the entire euro payments system.

My proposal for an immediate and annual distribution of 1 trillion euro from the ECB to the national govts on a per capita basis will end the crisis and provide the framework for the national govt credit worthiness needed to reverse current downward spiral.

And not only does it not introduce moral hazard risk, it does the reverse by allowing
for withholding of future payments for non compliance of EU mandates.

Germany’s IG Metall, Employers Agree on Pay, Job Security

German States’ Budget Deficit Increases, Handelsblatt Reports

France’s Lagarde Sees ‘Fragile, Painstaking’ Economic Recovery

Isae Raises Italy’s 2010 Growth Forecast to 1% on Exports

Premier Insists Spain’s Economic Recovery Is Near but Offers Few Details

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Posted in ECB, Government Spending | 3 Comments »

Donna Kline’s interview with Warren

Posted by WARREN MOSLER on 16th February 2010

Series of audio interviews with Warren.







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Posted in Banking, CBs, Currencies, Deficit, ECB, Fed, GDP, Government Spending, Inflation, Political | 10 Comments »

EU Daily | German Investor Confidence Falls for a Fifth Month

Posted by WARREN MOSLER on 16th February 2010

Yes, ‘incentives’ are running out and will be nearly impossible to reinstate with their fiscal policies now being market constrained, as per what’s happening with Greece and Portugal.

The US, Japan, UK, etc. will never be market constrained. And while their misguided political constraints are capable of doing much the same damage they don’t have the funding risk of the eurozone.


Highlights

ECB Says Loans Harder to Get for Small Firms in Second Half

European bond tensions hurt lending

European exporters see boost from weak euro

European Car-Market Growth Slows as Incentives Are Phased Out

German Investor Confidence Falls for a Fifth Month

German Economic Recovery Remains on Track, Ministry Says

German Companies Plan to Take on More Staff

Eurozone tells Greece to ready new cuts, taxes

Eurostat to Look Into Greece’s Debt Swaps

Spanish government struggles with crisis message

Spanish unions protest austerity

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Posted in ECB, Germany | No Comments »

Germany Said to Consider Greek Aid Beyond Loan

Posted by WARREN MOSLER on 10th February 2010


[Skip to the end]

They have to be very careful as all the national govts are subject to a liquidity crisis.

If all the national govts had started with zero debt when they formed the union, the markets never would have let them get beyond maybe 20% debt to GDP.

(Note that Lux never did have its own currency and never did get that high.)

Instead they came in at the 60-100+ debt to GDP ratios they got to when they had their own currencies when it didn’t matter for liquidity/funding purposes, as with their own currencies liquidity and solvency wasn’t an issue, and whether they knew it or not their deficits were simply offsetting the economys’ nominal savings desires at the then current exchange rates.

So all (except Lux) came into the new single currency with highly problematic debt ratios, and a ‘promise’ of bringing them down. This promise had enough credibility to get them through, but markets are telling us the recession has cast serious doubts on the current institutional structure being able to bring its debts down and get itself out of ponzi.

Germany lending to Greece does not reduce the overall debt to GDP of the Eurozone. In fact arguably the introduction of ‘moral hazard’ issues make it worse as there’s a reasonable chance with this kind of implied umbrella Greece and others will feel they’ve called the union’s bluff and not adjust their finances accordingly. And, worse yet, markets are coming to understand that fiscal austerity can backfire and cause deficits to increase as it causes the economies weaken further, making it a lose-lose scenario.

So yes, the announcement of aid beyond loans will buy some time, but without sufficient real growth driven either by exports or domestic credit expansion (which is also not sustainable longer term) all the same issues will probably return.

And one of the reasons for the weak euro has been that their deficits have gotten large enough to make euro financial assets sufficiently ‘more plentiful’ to weaken the currency. This kind of help doesn’t change that.

And it could be that one of their goals is a policy that weakens the euro in an attempt to improve exports, while at the same time not triggering a liquidity crisis. Seems like an impossible tightrope to try to walk.

The easiest/safest way to do that is for the ECB to buy fx, but their ideology doesn’t allow that.

>   
>   (email exchange)
>   
>   On Wed, Feb 10, 2010 at 6:14 AM, Dave wrote:
>   
>   Bunds off almost a point on this story
>   Curve bear steepening
>   
>   DV
>   

Germany Said to Consider Greek Aid Beyond Loan Guarantees
2010-02-10 10:10:02.560 GMT

By Brian Parkin

Feb. 10 (Bloomberg) — German Finance Minister Wolfgang Schaeuble told lawmakers that options for helping Greece extended beyond loan guarantees, said an official who attended a briefing today at the Parliament in Berlin.

Officials were told that European Union rules on aid were more flexible than the government originally thought, according to the lawmaker who spoke on the condition of anonymity because the discussions were confidential.

Lawmakers were briefed on the legal aspects of an EU member state providing financial help for another and were told to digest the information quickly, the lawmaker said. The German parliament must back any move to help Greece, he said.


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Posted in ECB, Germany | 4 Comments »

Germany Considers Loan Guarantees for Greece, Other Euro Partners

Posted by WARREN MOSLER on 10th February 2010


[Skip to the end]

Looks like another trial balloon.

Might mean German CDS gets hit.

All the national govs are subject to liquidity risk.

Just like the US States

Except the eurozone debt ratios are over 10 times worse.

If the world economy is improving at a fast enough rate all they probably need to do is buy some time.

No visibility on how this gets resolved.

Germany is considering a plan with its European Union partners to offer Greece and other troubled euro zone members loan guarantees in an effort to calm market fears of a default, according to people familiar with the matter.

The proposed plan would be done within the EU framework but led by Germany. German Finance Minister Wolfgang Schaeuble has discussed the idea in recent days with European Central Bank President Jean-Claude Trichet. Greece is the hardest hit of several countries, including Spain, Portugal and Ireland, that have recently seen their bonds come under pressure amid concerns that they will have difficulty repaying their debts.


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Posted in ECB, Germany | 5 Comments »

my euro ’solution’ is on DeLong’s blog today

Posted by WARREN MOSLER on 9th February 2010


[Skip to the end]

Got on DeLong’s blog today:

Ten Mostly Economics Pieces Worth Reading: February 9, 2010 …
By Brad DeLong

4) Felix Salmon: Helicopter-Firehose Trichet:

Warren Mosler has an interesting and provocative remedy for Europe’s current fiscal woes: the European Central Bank should simply print 1 trillion euros, and hand it out, on a pro-rated basis, to all the Eurozone states. This is a per-capita payment: it would be based on population, not on GDP, with the highest-population countries getting the most money. Mosler reckons that spending would be unaffected, because the Eurozone countries are already up against their Maastricht limits, and that therefore inflation wouldn’t be affected either. More importantly, he says, the Eurozone debt ratios would come down, by say 5 percent of GDP across the board.

The interesting thing is that given recent weakness in the euro, something along these lines — if not quite as explicit — seems to be already priced in, to some degree. I don’t think anybody in Europe is particularly worried about inflation right now; if anything, deflation is more of a problem, especially in the PIIGS. The big question, of course, is whether and how anybody at the ECB would ever let something like this happen, given its much-vaunted independence. Deflation worries might have to pick up quite a lot before it happens, and even then it’ll be a very tough sell among the European central-banking crowd.


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Issing Says IMF Better Suited Than EU to Greek Rescue

Posted by WARREN MOSLER on 8th February 2010


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Except Greece probably doesn’t qualify under normal IMF standards, and the IMF would have to get short euro to make the payment.

And ideologically it means ceding control of EU macro policy to an external international institution with strong US influence.

Nor does the macro work, as the ’strict enough conditions’ imposed will further weaken demand in Greece and the rest of the EU.

Also, the rapidly expanding deficit of Greece has benefited the entire EU and a sudden reversal will reverse those forces.

Likewise, leaving the EU would be contractionary/deflationary for the EU.

But if they all believe the IMF is the way to go there’s a good chance it happens.

Meanwhile, Greece and the rest of the eurozone is being revealed as necessarily being in a continual state of ponzi that demands institutional resolution
of some sort to be sustainable.

Issing Says IMF Better Suited Than EU to Greek Rescue, NYT Says

By John Fraher

Feb. 8 (Bloomberg) — Former European Central Bank Chief Economist Otmar Issing said the International Monetary Fund may be better suited to rescuing Greece than the European Union, the New York Times said, citing an interview.

“I don’t think that the EU can impose the kind of sanctions that would be needed, and it would make Brussels too unpopular,” the newspaper cited Issing as saying in an article published Feb. 6. “A better way is for Greece to approach the IMF. It is the only institution that can impose strict enough conditions.”

Issing said he doesn’t see support “in Germany or elsewhere” for a bailout that would involve “a more or less disguised transfer of taxpayer money,” the paper said.

Issing said leaving the euro region would be “economic suicide” for Greece, though he dismissed the idea that it would hurt the euro region as “misguided,” the paper said.


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5y default probabilities

Posted by WARREN MOSLER on 5th February 2010


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Once rates/prices start on a ‘parabolic’ path of credit deterioration it’s often a force stoppable only by a check.

Not sure who/when writes the check, but odds are it will eventually happen one way or the other.

In this case there’s a good chance it happens after a form of default.

I don’t see any risk/reward currently in anything other than the dollar and cash and maybe US Tsy secs.

And I don’t have any idea how it all gets resolved in the eurozone, and I’m pretty sure no one else does either.

My proposal for a per capita distribution of 1 T euro from the ECB with finance ministry agreement will work operationally, economically, legally, and more or less philosophically, but I haven’t seen any indication of that type of discussion

5y default probabilities assuming 40% recovery (as of 2 Feb close)

GREECE 27.3%
PORTUGAL 13.1%
IRELAND 12.4%
SPAIN 10.7%
ITALY 9.8%
AUSTRIA 7.4%
UK 6.7%
BELGIUM 5.2%
SWITZELAND 4.9%
FRANCE 4.4%
SWEDEN 4.1%
GERMANY 3.0%
NETHERLANDS 3.0%


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Greece update (Erik Nielsen)

Posted by WARREN MOSLER on 3rd February 2010


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Seems to me they need Eurozone approval of any plan, along with a ‘check.’

Without the check there’s a good chance the curve continues to go vertical.

Good time to be way on the sidelines (US govt secs, USD, etc.)

From: Nielsen, Erik
Sent: Wednesday, February 03, 2010

First of all, apologies for the radio silence last night and this morning ; caused by a “technical” problem. We are back in business:

Last night Greek PM delivered an important speech to prepare for today’s publication of the European Commission’s conditional approval of their 2010 budget. It was marginally positive, but - as always - the devil is in the details, and those we don’t have yet.

There is no time set for the Commission’s statement today, but sometime around noon seems likely. In a nutshell, PM Papandreou delivered something good and something less good:

1. Most importantly, the PM appealed to the opposition for national unity, and he received guarded support from the main opposition leader Samaras. Papandreou also appealed to the social partners to accept the hardship; he didn’t really receive any assurances from that side. Also positively, Papandreou outlined further fiscal measures, aimed at securing the 4% of GDP decline in the deficit this year, even under a more pessimistic (i.e. more realistic) forecast for GDP; now seen to decline by more than 1% this year rather than by 0.3%. The additional measures were not spelled out in detail, but they seem to include further wage restrain for the public sector and indirect tax hikes.

2. On the disappointing side, Papandreou launched into the blame game - while acknowledging policy mistakes in the past, he suggested that the trouble now is also the result of speculators. On this basis, he suggested that this is a Euro-zone problem and that the Euro-zone should issue a joint Euro-bond for the benefit of Greece. This was, of course, ruled out very quickly by other Euro-zone members last night. Also, Papandreou emphasized the government’s focus on taxation of real estate owned by of-shore companies, a meagre EUR200mn revenue line in their original budget, which - in my opinion - is diverting their attention from the big and more fundamental reforms.

Stay tuned for later in the day when we hear from the EU

Erik


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more on the man of the year

Posted by WARREN MOSLER on 24th December 2009


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More on the Bernanke testimony:

Shortly after the failure of Lehman Brothers, I was in Brazil at an international meeting, and I had a meeting there with bankers, and I asked them how the Brazilian economy was doing. And they said well, it had been doing fine, but within a week after Lehman Brothers collapsed, it was like a frigid wind descended on the economy in Brazil. And there was an enormous impact almost immediately on their economy, on their ability to raise funds and make loans.

In dollars, I’m sure.

And it’s astonishing how quickly that one failure spread throughout the world, and created a very severe recession, not just in the U.S., but around the world.

The Federal Reserve, by making a large loan under very tough terms to AIG,

But allowing those funds to be used to meet margin calls on CDS and probably other related market losses. That’s perhaps the most controversial part. Those payments to creditors perhaps could have been labeled ‘loans from the Fed’ subject to AIG ultimate solvency rather than payments from the Fed.

prevented the failure of that institution, and, therefore, tried to contain the impact of the Lehman Brothers failure on the rest of the global financial system. I’ll come back and talk more about AIG, and those things later, but that was just the first step of many that we took to try to stop the crisis.

Subsequently, again, very concerned with the possibility of a global financial meltdown, we worked with Treasury and the Congress to develop a bill that would provide funding that the Fed, the Treasury and other agencies could use to stabilize the financial system, to prevent collapse of the financial system.

This immediately became relevant, because in mid-October, the crisis heated up again to the point that we thought that we were again within days or hours of a collapse of many of the largest financial firms in the world. It was a dramatic weekend. It was Oct. 10 or 11, Columbus Day weekend, when the Finance Ministers and the central bankers of seven of the largest industrial economies had a meeting here in Washington, which, of course, I attended. Usually, those meetings are very scripted and very dry. In this case, there was palpable concern among the participants that the collapse of their financial system might be just days away, and there was a great deal of discussion about how we, collectively, as the policy makers leading those countries could stop the collapse.

In the days that followed, countries all over the world, particularly the advanced industrial countries, took strong measures to prevent the collapse of the financial systems. That included putting capital into banks;

Obviously they didn’t know it was nothing more than regulatory forbearance.

it included preventing the failure of large financial firms; it included guaranteeing the debts of financial firms so they could borrow and keep themselves afloat; it included making short-term loans to firms so that they would have the short-term credit they needed to pay off lenders who were withdrawing their funding. And, again, this was the U.S. doing this, but also many of the most important industrial countries around the world simultaneously, including the U.K., Germany, France, Switzerland and others.

Again, many of those creditors ‘bailed out’ by the Fed’s liquidity provisions could have had those funds labeled ‘loans from the Fed’ rather than simply receiving payments from the Fed.

The result of this collective global effort over that week was essentially to succeed in stabilizing the global banking system, in that subsequent to that week the fears of utter collapse were largely overcome.

Now, in the following months after that, there were still many, many great difficulties in the financial markets. And the Fed, and other central banks and Treasuries around the world, worked very hard to restore the normal functioning of those markets. For example, following the Lehman failure, there was a run where ordinary investors went as quick as they could to pull their money out of money market mutual funds, which are a common investment vehicle for many Americans. It was very analogous to 100 years ago when a bank was about to fail, and the depositors would go to the bank, they would run and pull their money out as quickly as possible, and then the bank would fail. The money market mutual funds were experiencing exactly the same phenomenon.

The Fed and the Treasury working together provided short-term loans to these funds. The Treasury provided some insurance to depositors, or to investors so they would know they wouldn’t lose their money. We stopped the run on the money market mutual funds, and that was an example of how we helped stabilize the situation.

Not sure why that was critical?

There were many other steps we had to take helping individual institutions, and providing programs for backstop lending to make sure that the key markets in the financial system were functioning again, because for months after Lehman Brothers, the amount of fear and uncertainty in the financial markets was so elevated that these markets were, essentially, not functioning properly, and it took really many months until we had reached the point that these markets had begun to approach a normal state.

Doesn’t mention the dollar swap lines to foreign CB’s???

But bank lending is still weak. The banks had a near-death experience, they are now lending in a difficult economic environment. We are strongly encouraging them to lend. We have taken a lot of steps to help them raise new capital, so they’ll have a basis on which to make new loans. And we are taking a number of steps to try to open up markets through which investors invest directly in various forms of credit, like auto loans and credit card loans. All of these steps are improving the financial situation, but particularly the banking sector, we’re still in the convalescent stage.

They only bought AAA traunches which didn’t address the credit issues. They were more worried about taking losses than restoring auto credit, but wanted to give the appearance they were doing something.

As I said, I was a professor. I never worked for Wall Street. I have no connections on Wall Street. In fact, when I first became chairman, I was criticized in some quarters for not being close enough, or knowing enough about Wall Street. So, why did I take these actions?

I didn’t take these actions, or the Federal Reserve didn’t take these actions because we were trying to help bankers, or trying to help Wall Street. What I understood, and what knowledgeable people all around the world understood, is that the financial system is essential to the functioning of any economy. And that if the financial system had collapsed to the extent to which we believed was very likely in September and October 2008, then no force on earth, no policy, could have prevented the collapse of the entire U.S. economy with long-lasting and extreme consequences for every American.

How about a proportionate fiscal response, like a payroll tax holiday and per capita revenue distributions to the States? Instead, he continues to preach ‘fiscal responsibility.’

It was because we were concerned about jobs and incomes and the economic well-being of every American that we intervened to prevent the collapse of the financial system.

Now, going forward, we have a lot to do to get the economy back to stability, get jobs created. You can talk as much as you like about the things we’re doing there, but we’re also going to have to take some very strong steps to make sure that the crisis doesn’t ever happen again.

There were, certainly, weaknesses in our financial regulatory system. There were weaknesses in the way that financial regulators supervised the banks and other financial institutions. And the financial institutions themselves made lots of mistakes in terms of their ability to measure the risks that they were taking, and to control them properly. And to make sure we don’t ever have a crisis like this again, we need to have extensive reform in the private sector, in the public sector, to eliminate these risks in the future.

You had said that the banks were convalescent still, Mr. Chairman. Can you talk to us a little bit more about what that means?

Well, the banks have been stabilized. They’ve raised a good deal of capital, so they’re in much better shape than they were. They are lending, but they are not lending enough to support a healthy recovery. One important reason for that, is that given their losses, given what they’ve been through, they’re being very conservative in the face of what is still a very weak economy; and, therefore, a sense that many borrowers are quite risky.

As bank supervisors, we have a difficult challenge. We have told the banks very clearly that we want them to make loans to credit-worthy borrowers, where there are borrowers who can repay the loans. It’s in the interest of the banks, it’s in the interest of the economy, and, of course, it’s in the interest of the borrowers for those loans to get made.

But the problem is, of course, that we got into trouble in the first place by banks making loans that couldn’t be repaid, so we don’t want banks to make bad loans. Therefore, we are trying to work with banks to make sure that they are, in fact, able to make as many good loans as possible, that they have enough capital, that they have enough short-term funding, and that the examiners and the regulators who work with the banks are not unduly restricting the loans that they make. We want to work with the banks to make sure that they balance the appropriate prudence and caution against the need to make good loans for the economy, and for their own profits.

Banks and the entire private sector is necessarily procyclical.

Only govt via fiscal policy can be countercyclical.

So, what this means is that economic policy, and financial oversight have to take into account all the international dimensions of that. So, for example, on the monetary policy side, we have worked carefully and closely with other central banks to talk about monetary policy in different parts of the world. In fact, during the heat of the crisis in October 2008, the Federal Reserve and five other major central banks cut interest rates together on the same day, as a sign of how committed we were to cooperating on monetary policy.

Doesn’t seem concerned that interest rate cuts may in fact be deflationary as he knows they remove interest income for the private sectors (Bernanke, Sacks, Reinhart, 2004 Fed paper- see ‘the fiscal channel’)

The system worked.

It did work. It was an important first step. I mean, even after we took those steps, the financial markets were in a great deal of stress, and credit at all levels was very much constrained. But it stabilized the situation, and from there, we were able to take a number of steps to - both we, and our partners in other countries - to get the key markets working again, to get the banks stabilized, and to begin the very difficult process of getting the financial system back on its feet.

Never realizing that all the alphabet soup measures to get liquidity going missed the point that all the Fed had to do was lend fed funds to member banks without limit, as the ECB effectively did by immediately accepting any and all bank collateral, to immediately restore bank liquidity.

So, while it’s difficult to know exactly what the outcome would have been, certainly, just judging on what happened after the failure of a single firm, the collapse of the global financial system would surely have led to a far deeper recession, higher unemployment, much greater fiscal cost to the taxpayer, and to rebuild the financial system, and to get the economy moving again. And almost certainly, [we would have had] many, many years of subnormal - substandard - performance by the U.S. economy, and by other industrial economies, as well. Again, we can’t know precisely, but I think if anything, the financial crisis last fall was as severe, and as dangerous as anything we’ve ever seen, including the 1930s.

The whole point of going off the gold standard in 1934 was to be able to provide liquidity without limit to the banking system, so the fact that he did that, however belatedly, is nothing to brag about. It also allowed for unlimited fiscal responses, which he still seems to not fathom.

There is an irony here that’s literary, that here’s this man who spends his life distinguishing himself studying economic history. And then one day you wake up and realize that you’re at the center of economic history in this really unusual chapter. How do you process that personally? I mean, how does that change how you go from being the academic expert to you are in the arena?

Well, I certainly didn’t anticipate when I came to Washington in 2002, I certainly didn’t anticipate these events, or how things would evolve. No question about it. And when I became chairman in 2006, I thought that - I hoped that my main objectives would be improving the management, communication and monitoring policy.

We were certainly attentive to the risks of financial crisis. Secretary Paulson and I talk frequently to people on Wall Street, and we secured the Federal Reserve. We set up a team of staff drawn from different disciplines to try to identify problems and weaknesses in the financial sector. So, we were certainly aware of the risks of financial crisis, but one as large and as dangerous as this one, I certainly did not anticipate. I wish I had, but I didn’t.

Then when the crisis came, you know, rather unexpectedly, a different part of my training and research became relevant, which was to work on financial crises generally, and also on the Great Depression. And I believe very much that that experience, and that knowledge, was very helpful to me in many dimensions of this effort, ranging from - I think the most important lesson, there are many lessons, but I think the most important lesson was that we were not going to have a healthy stable economy with a completely dysfunctional financial system. We had to take strong measures to prevent that from happening.

And in the 1930s, the Federal Reserve was quite passive, and allowed the banks to fail, and we know the result of that. So, we were determined that that wasn’t going to happen on my watch, on our watch, so we were prepared to take very strong actions to avoid that.

That was under the gold standard. Nothing could be done without losing the nation’s gold supply. It was only after the banks reopened in 1934 with a non convertible currency could there be credible deposit insurance unlimited Fed provision of liquidity. Clearly he doesn’t understand that or a) he’d be stating it b) I don’t want to say…

You’ve been quite forthcoming, I think, in your testimony about saying, there’s a lot of things you didn’t see, there’s some things that we didn’t do. If I gave you a kind of do-over to go back as long as you want to say you know what, if we’d seen this, if we’d looked at the sub-prime mortgage crisis. I mean, how could you have handled it, and the Fed handled it better to have a different outcome?

Well, we have, based on the experience of the crisis, we - the Treasury and others - have made proposals for how the financial regulatory system ought to be reformed and restructured. I’ll say a word about that. If we had been in that forum, I think we would have avoided the crisis. So, there were some important lessons.

One was that our regulatory system was too myopic. It was too focused on individual firms, or individual markets, and there was nobody paying attention to the broad overall financial system. So, the Federal Reserve was not entrusted with looking at the whole financial system. We were - we had very specific assignments. We were supposed to look at specific institutions. Those institutions did not include many of the firms that had severe problems, like Lehman Brothers or Bear Stearns or AIG. Those were outside of our purview, and since they were outside of our purview, we didn’t look at them.

They missed one critical factor- allowing bank loan officers to work on a commission basis. Nor, did the regulators look into actual loan files to check for fraudulent appraisals and income statements promoted by loan officers working on a commission basis. Regulation is necessarily a work in progress. Mistakes will be made, including mistakes of this scale. Critical to our well being is the knowledge of how to keep these errors in the financial sector from damaging the real economy. And that requires appropriate fiscal responses to sustain aggregate demand, preferably in an equitable manner.

But there were many situations where there was really nobody who was looking carefully at what was going on, and nobody who was looking at how the parts of the system fit together. So, a very important recommendation that we have made is that there be a more systemic approach - that is, have some arrangement whereby a regulator, or a group of regulators, has responsibility to look at the system as a whole, and try to identify emerging problems, or gaps in the regulatory apparatus, or weaknesses in individual institutions, as they relate to other institutions, that threaten the integrity of the system as a whole.

Better still, most of the issues came from allowing banking activities that in fact served no further public purpose. That includes any bank participation in secondary markets, loaning against financial assets, using LIBOR as an index, and many others.

We didn’t have that. Therefore, nobody paid enough attention to AIG, nobody paid enough to attention to credit and call swaps, nobody paid enough attention to some of the activities of investment banks. You go on, and on, and on. Again, if we had had a more comprehensive overview approach that would have been helpful.

A second key element is the problem too big to fail, and how to address that. So, I just want to be very, very clear that even though the Federal Reserve was involved in rescuing Bear Stearns and AIG, we did that extremely reluctantly, and with - it was a very distasteful thing for us to do. We did not do it - we were not set up to do it. We were - it was very difficult for us to do, but we did it because there was no appropriate mechanism, there was no set of laws that would allow the government to intervene in a situation like that in a way that would allow the firm to fail, but would not have all the negative consequences for the financial system and the economy.

So, we had a situation where there were firms who were literally too big to fail, or too complex to fail, or too interconnected to fail. When they came to the edge of collapsing, we had only two very, very bad choices: we either bailed them out, put taxpayer money at risk, put the Federal Reserve at risk in terms of our lending, or we could let them collapse and have all the hugely negative consequences for the financial system and for the economy.

So, what we did not have, and what we very much need going forward, is a third option, and that option should be a legal framework which allows the government - and I think that means, in practice, the Treasury and Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation - to intervene when a large complex systemically critical firm is about to fail, and to allow the firm to fail, impose losses on the lenders, the creditors of the firm, the shareholders, fire the management, protect the taxpayer, but be able to do that in a way that protects the system, so that the financial system is protected from the immediate impact of that collapse.

I submit we already have that for the large banks, and the others as well. He just didn’t grasp how to use it. The receivership they did set up did not have to pay off all the creditors, and if there were issues, it would have been a relatively simple matter to petition congress for an ‘emergency’ alteration of current law. They didn’t even try.

We did not have a system like that in place. I think if we had, we could have dealt with Lehman Brothers and AIG in a much more satisfactory way. We would have avoided many of the problems. And, most importantly, we would have not, in some sense, rewarded failure, which is what happened. In the future, it’s important that firms be allowed to fail if they, in fact, take excessive risks, and make bad gambles.

But that mechanism is not in place now.

The mechanism is not in place, and we have asked Congress to address it, and I believe that they will. But until they do, we are really still in a situation where we don’t have good options in dealing with potential collapse of a global financial firm.

It isn’t that hard to do.

Right now people are sort of looking to you, and to Congress, to kind of break the back of unemployment. And you’ve talked about how that is really our biggest challenge right now. Do you feel there is anything else that can be done, or has the Fed shot all its bullets, and has Congress shot all its bullets?

Well, the Federal Reserve has been very aggressive on the unemployment side. So, let me just first say that even though the recession may be technically over., in a sense that the economy is growing, it’s going to feel like a recession for some time, because unemployment remains very high, about 10%. And even people who have jobs, there are many people who are on short hours, that are in voluntary part-time, or maybe people who are not technically unemployed, only because they stopped looking. So, the labor market is in very weak condition, and we’re not going to see a healthy, vibrant economy again until the labor market - the job market - has recovered. So, that is really an extraordinarily important objective for policy going forward. And, certainly, our job won’t be done until the economy is growing again, and jobs are being created.

The Federal Reserve’s attempts to address employment issues, we’ve done several things. Certainly, one of the things is we’re using our monetary policy. In December 2008, while the crisis was still in an intense phase, we cut the short-term interest rate that is the measure of our monetary policy almost to zero. The first time that had ever been the case, the Fed had ever done that, in order to provide the maximum amount of support to the economy, and it remains close to zero today. So, that is a very powerful measure.

Again, he gives no weight to the possibility that the interest income he removed from ’savers’ is weighing on the economy, even though it’s in his own paper from 2004.

Having used that tool to its maximum extent, we have then turned to new and innovative tools, things that have never been done before in the Federal Reserve. I’ll give you two examples. One, we’ve purchased about $1 trillion worth of mortgages that are guaranteed by Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac, and the U.S. Treasury. And in doing those purchases, we have succeeded in reducing the national 30-year fixed-rate mortgage rate from about 6-1/2% to about 4.8%. By lowering mortgage rates that way, we have helped to stabilize the housing sector, to help stabilize the housing crisis, and allow people to refinance, to buy homes. And that, obviously, should get construction started again and house prices stabilizing, and people being able to meet their mortgages. That’s obviously going to be helpful.

The far more effective way would be to directly fund the agencies at the fixed rate the Fed wanted for mortgages and allow that funding to be prepaid without penalty if the mortgages prepaid. But that was never even a consideration.

We’ve also created a program that helps bring credit from Wall Street to support a wide variety of consumer and small-business loans. So, for example, our program allows Wall Street money to come in and support auto loans, credit card loans, student loans, small business loans, commercial real estate loans. By providing that conduit, we are supporting what the banks are doing to get credit flowing into those important sectors.

But only the AAA pieces, as previously discussed.

And I guess a third thing, an additional thing I would mention is that we serve not only as monetary policy makers, but also as bank supervisors. And there we’ve been sparing no effort, as I talked about earlier, to get the banks able and willing to lend again, to create - particularly the small businesses - to create the credit that’s needed to create new jobs and get employment back on track.

I would mention, in particular, our leadership of the stress tests. In the spring, the Federal Reserve led an effort to evaluate the balance sheets of 19 of the largest banking companies in the U.S., and our report on those balance sheets, along with the FDIC, the OCC, to other banking agencies, our reports on those balance sheets is public, greatly increased the confidence in the banking system, which meant that they were able to go out and raise new capital in the stock market, and many of them have paid back the capital to the government.

Still no clue it was only regulatory forbearance.

But by raising new capital, they increased their own capacity to lend. And, as conditions improve, they’ll be able to make new loans as well.

So, by keeping interest rates low, including both short-term rates and long-term rates, like mortgage rates, by supporting a flow of credit to small businesses, consumers and the like, that is our primary effort. Those are the tools that we have. We can always do more, if necessary, but those are the tools that we are applying trying to get job growth going again.

They have more tools but aren’t using them? Unless this is a bluff, what are they waiting for? This is an extraordinary statement.

And we have seen, obviously, the labor market is still very weak, but the last report we saw shows that we’re now coming closer to the point where we’ll stop seeing job losses and start seeing job gains.

We’ve talked about a lot of those extraordinary things you’ve done. But is that it? Like now do we have to - because there’s still really bad numbers, even your forecasts are like what, 10% [unemployment] this year, 9% going forward, I think like 8% in 2012. Do we just have to kind of now sit back and take it?

Well, the Federal Reserve will continue to see what other policy actions we can take. And we’ve really been very aggressive, thus far. And the additional steps aren’t as obvious or clear as the ones that we’ve already taken.

Right, they don’t have any actual ideas.

A lot of the scope now is on the fiscal side of the house. As you know, the government passed a major fiscal program earlier this year, and I think it was just today the President announced a number of individual - a package of programs to try to address unemployment. So, [there are] a lot of new initiatives probably coming from the fiscal side.

While he preaches fiscal responsibility. See below.

Did they ask you for your opinion of those before…

Well, our staffs confer frequently with the Treasury and other parts of the Economic Advisory Groups that advise the President. And we often give our views. Our views are solicited. But, of course, they are responsible for their policy choices.

Have you said before, or are you prepared to say now, that a second stimulus, a round of incentives, is a good idea, on the fiscal side?

So, my domain is monetary policy and financial stability. And we have done, of course, a lot of aggressive things to try to support the economy, try to support job creation. I generally leave the details of fiscal programs to the Administration and Congress. That’s really their area of authority and responsibility, and I don’t think it’s appropriate for me to second guess.

You have said that there’s a long-term deficit program that needs to be dealt with. You said health care costs ought to be cut back, so it’s not like you won’t talk at all about the fiscal situation. Regardless of the details, which I understand that you don’t want to tell them how to do it, do you think that the fiscal side ought to do something?

Well, let me say this, I think that it’s very important that whatever actions that Congress and Administration take on the fiscal side, that they begin soon, or even sooner, to develop a credible medium-term interest strategy for fiscal policy, one that will persuade the markets and the public that over the medium term, the next few years, we will - we, as government, we, as a country - will be able to bring our deficits down to a level that could be sustained over a period of time.

Yes, he’s clearly part of the problem, not part of the answer. He’s failed to realize the ramifications of lifting convertibility in 1934 (and 1971 internationally) and is one of the leading deficit terrorists.

If we can do that, which will increase the confidence of the markets in American fiscal policy, that would give us more scope to take action today, because, again, there would be confidence that we have a way out, a way back towards sustainability.

There is no sustainability issue and he should know that. But he doesn’t even fully understand monetary operations of the Fed itself.

In your testimony the other day, one Senator talked about here’s the money that the federal government takes in, here’s what we spend on entitlements. It’s basically the same. Everything else we have to borrow for. I mean, there are a lot of people saying that it’s not sustainable, as you have said. And they said one of the only solutions is some kind of tax, a sales tax, value-added tax, something other than an income tax. But would you be in favor of any of those alternatives?

So, the way I put this before Congress before is that the one law that I strongly advocate is the law of arithmetic. (Laughter.) That law of arithmetic says that if you are a low-tax person, then you have to - you are responsible for finding ways on saving on expenditure, so that you don’t have enormous imbalances between revenues and spending. And by the same law of arithmetic, if you were somebody who believes that government spending is important, and you are for bigger and more spending, and bigger programs, then it’s incumbent upon you to figure out where the revenues are going to come from to meet that spending. So, again, I think that’s, again, Congress’ main responsibility.

I have spoken about deficit, and I think deficits are important, because they address broad economic and financial stability. We need to talk about that. But in terms of the specifics about how to get to fiscal balance, that’s the elected officials’ responsibility.

He sees spending as revenue constrained where that concept is entirely inapplicable to non convertible currency and floating fx policy.

Do you think Congress is fiscally illiterate? Economically illiterate?

No, of course not. But what they have to deal with is not just a question of understanding. It’s a question of making very, very tough choices, and in a political environment, where people understandably are resistant to cuts in programs or benefits, or increases of taxes. So, there needs to be tough choices made, there needs to be leadership. And I don’t envy Congress those choices, because they’re very difficult ones to make.

Are you saying that time for fiscal and monetary stimulus is over? And, if so, what’s the downside of pushing even harder?

There are not easy solutions. It’s an enormous problem. I think the Federal Reserve - one direction that we can go is to continue to encourage the extension of credit, small businesses, in particular, create a lot of jobs, particularly during economic recoveries. And we have lots and lots of evidence and anecdotes suggesting that small businesses are particularly harmed by the tightness of the bank lending standards and unavailability of credit. So, everything we can do, and that the Administration and Congress can do, to support credit extension to all business, but primarily small business, would be a very powerful.

You don’t think it’s a liquidity problem?

Well, I mean, interest rates are very low, so I think it’s going to be a question, first of all, of getting credit flowing again. And the Federal Reserve has got a role to play there. And then, Congress and the Administration will consider possible programs and fiscal policies.

You’re definitely not okay with long-term profligacy, but are you okay with them doing something in the short-term?

I think if they do that, it’s critically important they clarify the longer-term plan for establishing sustainable fiscal [policy].

Again ducking the question. But it’s clear he is not a supporter of using fiscal adjustments to sustain aggregate demand.

Adair Turner, the chief British [financial services] regulator, said that we’ve learned that much of what the financial services sector did in the past 10 years has no economic or social value. Do you agree? Did the financial services sector just get too big, and should it be smaller?

Okay. Well, a strong financial system is very important. It allocates capital to new businesses and new industries. It allows for people to invest in a wide range of activities, so it’s critically important to have a good financial system. And the evidence for that is that when the financial system breaks down, the system just doesn’t function.

That is not evidence for that. Seems a breakdown of logic???

You see what the impact has had on the economy. With that being said, the financial system is unique to the extent, first, that it is so critical to the economy, and, secondly, to the very, very old tendency to succumb to booms and busts.

Again, this is too confused to not be an insight into his basic sense of logic.

And, therefore, we do need to have an effective comprehensive financial regulatory system that will essentially allow us to tame the beast so that it provides the benefits, the growth and development without creating these kinds of crisis.

And then this says it all regarding his understanding of monetary operations:

Okay. When the Federal Reserve buys mortgages, it pays for them by creating reserves the banks hold in Federal Reserve. So, as we purchase $1 trillion of mortgages, we’ve created roughly $1 trillion of reserves that banks hold at the Federal Reserve. The banks, at this point, are just willing to hold those reserves with the Fed, and not do anything with them.

Banks don’t ‘do anything’ with reserves.

Ultimately, if the economy normalized, and the Fed took no action, the banks would take those reserves, try to lend them out, and they would begin to circulate, and the money supply would start to grow.

Banks don’t ‘lend out’ reserves.

And then, ultimately, that would create an inflationary risk.

This is not how it works.

So, therefore, as the economy begins to recover, and as we move away from this very weak economic environment, the Federal Reserve is going to have to pull those reserves out of the system.

We have a number of means for doing that, which we have explained to the markets, and the public, and everyone is confident we can do that. And we will do that over time, in order to make sure that as we come out of this crisis, we don’t generate inflation at the end.

Reserve management has nothing to do with inflation with a non convertible currency and floating fx. This is ancient gold standard rhetoric.

So, the reserves can be pulled out through various mechanisms or can mobilize. And we don’t have to do that yet, but when the time comes, we have tools to do that.

And are there lurking dangers in those mortgages that you purchased that we don’t even know about now?

Well, the mortgages are guaranteed. The credit, even if they go bad, Fannie and Freddie with the backing of the U.S. Treasury will pay them off, so the Fed is not taking any credit risk by holding these mortgages.

It’s comforting for you, but not for the taxpayers. Right?

Well, on the other hand, what’s happening is that we earn the interest from those mortgages, and then we remit that interest back to the Treasury, so the money finds its way back to the taxpayer.

That’s exactly how the Fed’s portfolio removes interest income from the private sectors.

And, indeed, the Federal Reserve will be paying the Treasury a good bit more money the next few years than it has in the past, because of the interest we’re earning on these mortgages we acquired.

On that note, this week we did learn the TARP is going to pay back nearly all of what it was required to from the taxpayer. Looking back a year later, are surprised by that?

Well, we said at the beginning that the TARP money was an investment. It was going to acquire assets, and that most or all might come back to the taxpayer. Right now, if you look at all these repayments from banks, and the fact that the government is sitting on capital gains, as well as other investments, I think it’s a reasonable probability that the TARP money invested in financial institutions, that the great majority of it will come back to the taxpayer. So, in the end, we will have stabilized the financial system and avoided this global crisis at not a small amount of money, but relative to the alternative, a quite small amount of money.

Were there days where you woke up and you thought, what am I not thinking of that we could be doing?

We had a philosophy right here, which was what we called blue-sky thinking. And what blue-sky thinking was, was we have a problem, I want everybody to give me just three associations. What can you think of? How can we approach this, what can we do? And we’ll worry about getting rid of the silly answers later. So, there’s been a lot of creativity here, and I give credit to terrific staff . I think one of the lessons of the depression, and this is something that Franklin Roosevelt demonstrated, was that when orthodoxy fails, then you need to try new things. And he was very willing to try unorthodox approaches when the orthodox approach had shown that it was not adequate.


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Posted in Banking, CBs, Congress, ECB, Employment, Fed, GDP, Government Spending, Inflation, Interest Rates, Political, Recession, USA | 23 Comments »

Greece Sells 2 Billion Euros of 2015 Debt to Banks

Posted by WARREN MOSLER on 16th December 2009


[Skip to the end]

That spread for its own banks that it guarantees shows a serious funding issue.

During a period of euro weakness funding problems could become worse and spread to other euro nations.

When foreign govts. buy euros for their portfolio of fx reserves, they have to hold them in some kind of account or security. Most probably opt for eurozone national govt paper. Same with international institutional investors.

When they stop adding to their euro portfolios and/or reduce them, they stop buying and/or sell that paper.

The new holders of euro (those who buy the euros when portfolios sell them) may or may not buy that same govt paper, and the euros may instead wind up as excess reserves at the ECB in a member bank account, or even as cash in circulation as individuals who don’t trust the banks turn to actual cash. The banks with the excess reserves may or may not buy the National govt paper or even accept it as repo collateral, to keep their risk down, and instead simply hold excess reserves at the ECB.

Markets will clear via ever widening funding spreads as national govt paper competes for euros that are otherwise held as ‘cash reserves.’ The amount of reserves held at the ECB doesn’t actually change, apart from some going to actual cash.

What changes are the ‘indifference levels’- yield spreads- between having cash on your books and holding national govt paper risk. And the ability to repo national govt paper at the ECB doesn’t help much.

Would you buy Greek paper today if you were concerned it might default just because you could repo it at the ECB, for example?

Also, while Americans go to insured banks and Tsy secs when they get scared, Europeans exit the currency as they have a lot more history of hyper inflation.

That means a non virtuous cycle can set in with a falling euro making National govt funding problematic, which makes the euro continue to fall.

This happened a little over a year ago due to a dollar funding liquidity squeeze.

The Fed bailed them out with unlimited dollar swap lines and the euro bottomed at something less than 130 to the dollar.

This time it’s not about dollars so the Fed can’t help even if it wanted to.

And the ‘remedies’ of tax hikes and/or spending cuts Greece intends to pursue will only make it all worse, especially if undertaken by the rest of the eurozone as well. Fiscal tightening will only slow the economy and cause national govt. revenues to fall further, unless the taxes are on those taxpayers who will not reduce their spending (no marginal propensity to spend) and the spending cuts don’t reduce the spending of those who were receiving those funds.

And the treaty prevents ECB bailouts of the national govts. so any bailout from the ECB would require a unified Fin Min action and an abrupt ideological reversal of the core monetary values of the union towards a central fiscal authority.

This is somewhat analgous to what happened to the US when the original articles of confederation gave way to the current constitution in the late 1700’s..

Greece Sells 2 Billion Euros of 2015 Debt to Banks, Bankers Say

By Anna Rascouet and Christos Ziotis

Dec. 16 (Bloomberg) — Greece sold 2 billion euros ($2.9 billion) of floating-rate notes privately to banks, eight days after Fitch Ratings downgraded the nation’s debt as the government struggles to cut the European Union’s largest budget deficit, two bankers familiar with the transaction said.

The securities, which mature in February 2015, will yield 250 basis points, or 2.5 percentage points, more than the six- month euro interbank offered rate, or Euribor, they said. That’s 30 basis points higher than a similar-maturity Greek fixed-rate bond when converted into a floating rate of interest, according to data compiled by Bloomberg.

Greek bonds have fallen in the past week, with two-year note yields rising by the most in more than a decade on Dec. 8, when Fitch cut the nation’s credit rating to BBB+, the lowest in the euro region, citing the “vulnerability” of the nation’s finances. Prime Minister George Papandreou has been unable to convince investors he can reduce a deficit the government says will rise to 12.7 percent of gross domestic product this year, after the economy shrank 1.7 percent in the third quarter.

“Selling bonds via a private placement can be a double- edged sword at this point,” said Luca Cazzulani, a fixed-income strategist in Milan at UniCredit Markets & Investment Banking. “On the one hand, it shows that Greece can always find buyers for their bonds. But the market might take it as a sign that they only have this channel left.”

Widening Spread

Greek bonds rose snapped two days of declines today, with the yield on the 10-year note dropping 11 basis points to 5.62 percent as of 10:26 a.m. in London. It rose as much as 29 basis points yesterday to 5.76 percent, the highest since April 3.

Concern some countries may struggle to pay their debt was reignited after Dubai’s state-owned Dubai World said on Dec. 1 it wanted to restructure $26 billion of debt. The premium, or spread, investors demand to hold Greek 10-year bonds instead of German bunds, Europe’s benchmark government securities, rose as high as 250 basis points yesterday, the highest closing level since April 2. It narrowed to 239 basis points today.

The participating banks in yesterday’s private placement were National Bank of Greece SA, Alpha Bank AE, EFG Eurobank Ergasias SA, Piraeus Bank SA and Banca IMI SpA, the bankers familiar with the transaction said. Italy’s Banca IMI was the only foreign-based in the group.

Worst Performers

The government paid “generous” terms, said Wilson Chin, a fixed-income strategist in Amsterdam at ING Groep NV.

“I guess you have to pay some liquidity premium, given the sale was done at the end of the year,” he said. “I would be very surprised if they continue to use this method into the first quarter of next year. That would probably be taken as a sign the market isn’t working for them.”

Greek bonds are the worst performers after Ireland among the debt of so-called peripheral euro-region countries this year, handing investors a 3.5 percent return, according to Bloomberg/EFFAS indexes.

In a private placement, issuers offer securities directly to chosen private investors as opposed to selling them through an auction or via a group of banks.

Papandreou pledged in a speech two days ago to begin reducing the nation’s debt, set to exceed 100 percent of GDP this year, from 2012. The European Commission estimates the ratio at 112.6 percent of GDP this year, second only to Italy.

‘Painful Decisions’

“In the next three months we will take those decisions which weren’t taken for decades,” Papandreou said in Athens. He said many choices will be “painful,” though he promised to protect poorer and middle-income Greeks.

Credit-default swaps on Greece rose 1 basis point to 238.5, according to CMA DataVision, after surging 25.5 basis points yesterday. Such swaps pay the buyer face value in exchange for the underlying securities or the cash equivalent should an issuer fail to adhere to its debt agreements. A basis point on a contract protecting $10 million of debt from default for five years is equivalent to $1,000 a year.


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Posted in Currencies, ECB, EU, Government Spending | 4 Comments »

Updated: 7 Deadly Innocent Frauds

Posted by WARREN MOSLER on 10th December 2009

The Seven Deadly Innocent Frauds of Economic Policy

By Warren Mosler

PROLOGUE
The term “innocent fraud” was introduced by Professor John Kenneth Galbraith in his last book, The Economics of Innocent Fraud, which he wrote at the age of ninety-four in 2004, just two years before he died. 1 Professor Galbraith coined the term to describe a variety of incorrect assumptions embraced by mainstream economists, the media, and most of all, politicians.

The presumption of innocence, yet another example of Galbraith’s elegant and biting wit, implies those perpetuating the fraud are not only wrong, but also not clever enough to understand what they have been doing. And any claim of prior understanding becomes an admission of deliberate fraud—an unthinkable self incrimination.

Galbraith’s economic views gained a wide audience during the 1950’s and 1960’s, with his best selling books The Affluent Society, and The New Industrial State. He was well connected to both the Kennedy and Johnson Administrations, serving as the United States Ambassador to India from 1961 to 1963, when he returned to his post as Harvard’s most renowned Professor of Economics.

Galbraith was largely a Keynesian who believed that only fiscal policy can restore “spending power.” Fiscal policy is what economists call tax cuts and spending increases, and spending in general is what they call aggregate demand.

Galbraith’s academic antagonist, Milton Friedman, led another school of thought known as the “monetarists.” The monetarists believe the Federal government should always keep the budget in balance and use what they called “monetary policy” to regulate the economy. Initially that meant keeping the “money supply” growing slowly and steadily to control inflation, and letting the economy do what it may. However they never could come up with a measure of money supply that did the trick, nor could the Federal Reserve ever find a way to actually control the measures of money they experimented with.

Paul Volcker was the last Fed Chairman to attempt to directly control the money supply. After a prolonged period of actions that merely demonstrated what most central bankers had known for a very long time—that there was no such thing as controlling the money supply—Volcker abandoned the effort.

Monetary policy was quickly redefined as a policy of using interest rates as the instrument of monetary policy rather than any measures of the quantity of money. And “inflation expectations” moved to the top of the list as the cause of inflation, as the money supply no longer played an active role.

Interestingly, “money” doesn’t appear anywhere in the latest monetarist mathematical models that advocate the use of interest rates to regulate the economy.
Whenever there are severe economic slumps, politicians need results—in the form of more jobs—to stay in office. At first they watch as the Federal Reserve cuts interest rates, waiting patiently for the low rates to somehow “kick in.” Unfortunately, interest rates never to seem to “kick in.” Then, as rising unemployment threatens the re-election of members of Congress and the President, the politicians turn to Keynesian policies of tax cuts and spending increases. These policies are implemented over the intense objections and dire predictions of the majority of central bankers and mainstream economists.
It was Richard Nixon who famously declared during the double dip economic slump of 1973 that “We are all Keynesians now.”

Despite Nixon’s statement, Galbraith’s Keynesian views lost out to the monetarists when the “Great Inflation” of the the 1970s sent shock waves through the American psyche. Public policy turned to the Federal Reserve and its manipulation of interest rates as the most effective way to deal with what was coined “stagflation”—the combination of a stagnant economy and high inflation.

I entered banking in 1973 with a job collecting delinquent loans at the Savings Bank of Manchester in Manchester, Connecticut, my home town. I was the bank’s portfolio manager by 1975 which led to Wall St. in 1976 where I worked on the trading floor until 1978 when I was hired by William Blair and Company in Chicago to add fixed income arbitrage to their corporate bond department, before starting my own fund in 1982. From where I sat I saw the ‘great inflation’ as a cost push phenomena driven by OPEC’s pricing power. As they raised the nominal price of crude oil from $2 per barrel in the early 1970’s to a peak of about $40 per barrel approximately 10 years later, I could see two possible outcomes. The first was for it to somehow be kept to a relative value story, where US inflation remained fairly low, and paying more for oil and gasoline simply meant less demand and weaker prices for most everything else, and wages and salaries staying relatively constant. This would have meant a drastic reduction in our real terms of trade and our standard of living, and an even larger increase in the real terms of trade and standard of living for the oil exporters.

The second outcome, which is what happened, was for a general inflation to ensue, so while OPEC did get higher prices for its oil, they also had to pay higher prices for what they wanted to buy, leaving real terms of trade not all that different after the price of oil finally broke down to between $10 and $5 per barrel where it remained for over a decade. And from where I sat I didn’t see any deflationary consequences from the ‘tight’ monetary policy. Instead, it was the deregulation of natural gas in 1978 that allowed prices to rise and wells to be uncapped, allowing our electric utilities to switch fuels from oil to natural gas. OPEC reacted to this supply response by rapidly cutting production in an attempt to keep prices from falling below $30 per barrel. Production was cut by over 15 million barrels a day, but it wasn’t enough, and they drowned in the sea of excess world oil production as electric utilities continued to move to other fuels. My story is that it was a cartel setting ever higher prices that caused the great inflation, and a simple supply response that broke it.

This book is divided into three sections. Part one immediately reveals the seven ‘innocent frauds’ that I submit are the most imbedded obstacles to national prosperity. They are presented in a manner that does not require any prior knowledge or understanding of the monetary system, economics, or accounting. The first three concern the federal government’s budget deficit, the fourth addresses social security, the fifth international trade, the sixth savings and investment, and the seventh returns to the budget deficit. This chapter is the core message. It’s purpose is to promote a universal understanding of these critical issues facing our nation.

Part two is a history of how I discovered these seven deadly innocent frauds during my more than three decades of experience in the world of finance.
In part three, I set forward a specific action plan for our country to realize our economic potential and restore the American dream.

April 15, 2010
Warren Mosler
St. Croix
US Virgin Islands

SUMMARY OF THE SEVEN DEADLY INNOCENT FRAUDS OF ECONOMIC POLICY
#1: The government must raise funds through taxing or borrowing in order to spend. In other words, government spending is limited by the government’s ability to tax or borrow.

#2. With government deficits we are leaving our debt burden to our children.

#3: Government budget deficits take away savings.

#4: Social Security is broken.

#5: The trade deficit is an unsustainable imbalance that takes away jobs and output.

#6: We need savings to provide the funds for investment.

#7: It’s a bad thing that higher deficits today mean higher taxes tomorrow.

Introduction

The purpose of this book is to promote the restoration of American prosperity. It is my contention that the 7 deadly innocent frauds of economic policy are all that’s standing between today’s economic tragedy and the full restoration of American prosperity.

I have recently begun campaigning for the office of US Senator from Connecticut, my home State, solely as a matter of conscience. My purpose for running and national agenda is to restore American prosperity with three simple proposals.

The first is what’s called a full payroll tax holiday where the US Treasury stops taking some $20 billion EACH WEEK from people working for a living and instead makes all FICA payments for both employees and employers. The average American couple earning a combined $100,000 per year will see their take home pay go up by over $650 PER MONTH which will help them make their mortgage payments, stay in their homes, and bring an end to the financial crisis, and also pay their bills and do their shopping as American returns to what used to be our normal way of life.

My second proposal is for the Federal Governent to distribute $500 per capita of revenue sharing to the State Governments with no strings attached to tide them over and help them sustain their essential services while the spending power and millions of jobs funded by people’s spending from the extra take home pay from the payroll tax holiday restores economic activity, and the States revenues return to where they were before the crisis.

My third proposal to restore American prosperity is a Federally funded $8/hr job for anyone willing and able to work. The purpose of this program is primarily to provide a transition from unemployment to private sector employment. The payroll tax holiday and the State revenue sharing will bring an immediate acceleration of economic activity, and private sector employers will very quickly be looking to hire millions of additional workers to meet the growing demand for their products. Unfortunately past recessions have shown that business is reluctant to hire those who have been unemployed, with the long term unemployed being the least attractive to business. Fortunately, studies have also shown that transitional employment as I’ve proposed dramatically facilitates the transition from unemployment to private sector employment. It also draws other people into the labor force and gives them a chance to show what they can do, show they are responsible, show that they can get to work on time, work well with others, and display to their supervisor the traits that help reduce a private sector employer’s risks when taking on new employees. This includes giving hope and opportunity to many of those who don’t have any chance of private sector employment, including high risk teenagers, people getting out prison, and middle aged men and women who lost their jobs and who’s unemployment benefits have long ran out, or have never held real jobs, as well as seniors looking to make a real contribution to society. While this program involves the lowest expenditure of my three proposals, it is equally important as it helps smooth and optimize the transition to private sector employment as the economy grows.

So what leads me to believe I’m uniquely qualified to be promoting these three proposals? It is because from what I’ve seen over the last 40 years, I’m perhaps the only one who can take on the question of ‘How are you going to pay for it?’ and, hopefully, open the door to not only American, but world prosperity, as well as forever bring the study of economics back to the operation realities of our monetary system.

CHAPTER ONE—THE FIRST DEADLY INNOCENT FRAUD

Deadly Innocent Fraud #1:

The government must raise funds through taxing or borrowing in order to spend. In other words, government spending is limited by the government’s ability to tax or borrow.

Fact:

The actual act of Government spending is NOT operationally limited or in any way constrained by taxing or borrowing.

Ask any congressman (as I have many times), or private citizen, how it all works, and he will tell you emphatically that:

“…the government has to either tax or borrow to get funds to spend, just like any household has to somehow get the money it needs to spend.”
And from this comes the inevitable question about healthcare, defense, social security, and everything else:

‘How are you going to pay for it?!’

This is the killer question, the one no one gets right, and getting the answer to this question right is the core of the public purpose behind writing this book.

In the next few moments of reading it will all be revealed to you with no theory and no philosophy- just a few hard, cold facts.
I answer this question by first looking at exactly how government taxes, followed by how government spends.

HOW GOVERNMENT TAXES

Let’s start by looking at what happens if you pay your taxes by writing a check.

When the government gets your check, and your check is deposited and ‘clears,’ all the government does is change the number in your checking account ‘downward’ when they subtract the amount of your check from your bank balance.

Does the government actually get anything real to give to someone else? No, it’s not like they get a gold coin to spend.
You can actually watch this happen with online banking. You can see the balance in your bank account on your computer screen.
Suppose the balance in your account is $5,000 and you write a check to the govt. for $2,000.

When that checks clears (gets processed), what happens? The 5 turns into a 3, and your new balance is now down to $3,000. All before your very eyes!
And all they did was change a number in your bank account.

The government didn’t actually ‘get’ anything to give to someone else.
No gold coin dropped into a bucket at the Fed.

All they did was change numbers in bank accounts. Nothing ‘went’ anywhere.

And what happens should you go to the Government to pay your taxes with actual cash?

First, you hand over your pile of currency to the person on duty as payment.

Next, he counts it, and then gives you a receipt and hopefully a thank you for helping to pay for social security, the interest on the national debt, and the Iraq war.

Then, as you, the tax payer, leave the room and close the door behind you, he takes that hard earned cash you just forked over and throws it in a shredder.

Yes, it gets thrown it away. Destroyed! Why? They have no further use for it. Just like a ticket to the Super Bowl. As you go into the stadium, you hand the man a ticket that was worth maybe $1000, and then he tears it up and throws it away. In fact, you can actually buy shredded money in Washington DC.

So if government throws away your cash after collecting it, how does that cash pay for anything, like Social Security and the rest of the government’s spending?

It doesn’t. Something else is going on.

Can you now see why it makes no sense at all to say the government has to get money by taxing in order to spend? In no case does it actually ‘get’ anything that it subsequently ‘uses.’ So if govt. doesn’t actually get anything when it taxes, how and what does it spend?

HOW GOVERNMENT SPENDS

Imagine you are expecting your $2,000 social security payment to hit your bank account which already has $3,000 in it, and you are watching your account on your computer screen. You are about to see how government spends without having anything to spend.

Presto!

Suddenly your account statement that read $3,000 now reads $5,000. What did the government do to give you that money?

It simply changed the number in your bank account from 3,000 to 5,000. It changed the 3 into a 5. That’s all. It didn’t take a gold coin and hammer it into a computer. All it did was change a number in your bank account by making data entries into its own spread sheet which is linked to other spread sheets in the banking system.

Government spending is all done by data entry on its own spread sheet we can call ‘The US dollar monetary system.’
And even if the government paid you with actual cash, that cash is nothing more than the same data, but written on a piece of paper rather than entered into a spread sheet.

And how about this quote from the good Federal Reserve Bank Chairman on 60 minutes for support:

(PELLEY) Is that tax money that the Fed is spending?
(BERNANKE) It’s not tax money. The banks have– accounts with the Fed, much the same way that you have an account in a commercial bank. So, to lend to a bank, we simply use the computer to mark up the size of the account that they have with the Fed.1

The Chairman of the Federal Reserve Bank is telling us in plain English that they give out money (spend and lend) simply by changing numbers in bank accounts. There is no such thing as having to ‘get’ taxes (or borrow) to make a spread sheet entry that we call ‘Government spending.’ Computer data doesn’t come from anywhere. Everyone knows that!

Where else do we see this happen? Your team kicks a field goal and on the scoreboard the score changes from, say, 7 point to 10 points. Does anyone wonder where the stadium got those three points? Of course not! Or you knock down 5 pins at the bowling alley and your score goes from 10 to 15. Do you worry about where the bowling alley got those points? Do you think all bowling alleys and football stadiums should have a ‘reserve of points’ in a ‘lock box’ to make sure you can get the points you have scored? Of course not! And if the bowling alley discovers you ‘foot faulted’ and lowers your score back down by 5 points, does the bowling alley now have more score to give out? Of course not!

We all know how ‘data entry’ works, but somehow this has gotten all turned around upside down and backwards by our politicians, media, and most all of the prominent main stream economists.

Just keep this in mind as a starting point:

The Federal Government doesn’t ever ‘have’ or ‘not have’ any dollars.

Just like the stadium doesn’t ‘have’ or ‘not have’ a hoard of points to give out.
When it comes to the dollar, our Government, working through its Federal agencies called the Federal Reserve Bank and the US Treasury Department, is the score keeper. (And it also makes the rules!)

You now have the operational answer to the question:

‘How are we going to pay for it?’

Answer- the same way government pays for anything- it changes the numbers in our bank accounts.

Government isn’t going to ‘run out of money’ as our President has mistakenly repeated. There is no such thing. Nor is it dependent on ‘getting’ dollars from China or anyone else. All it takes for Government to spend is change numbers up in bank accounts at its own bank- the Federal Reserve Bank. There is no numerical limit to how many dollars our Government can spend, whenever it wants to spend. This includes making interest payments, and Social Security and Medicare and payments. It includes all Government payments made in dollars to anyone.

This is not to say excess government spending won’t possibly cause prices to go up (which we call inflation).

It is to say the government can’t go broke and can’t be bankrupt. There is simply no such thing.

So why does no one in government seem to get it? Why does the Ways and Means Committee in Congress worry about ‘how are we going to pay for it’?
One reason might be because they are stuck in the popular notion that the government, just like any household, must somehow first ‘get’ money to be able to spend it.

Yes, they have heard that it’s different for a government, but they don’t believe it, and there’s never a convincing explanation that makes sense to them.
What they all miss is the difference between spending your own currency that only you create, and spending a currency someone else creates.

So to properly utilize this popular government/household analogy in a meaningful way, we next look at an example of a ‘currency’ created by a household.
The story begins with the parents creating coupons they then use to pay their children for doing various household chores.

Additionally, to ‘drive the model,’ the parents require the children to pay them a tax of 10 coupons a week to avoid punishment.

This closely replicates taxation in the real economy, where we have to pay our taxes or face penalties.
The coupons are now the new household currency. Think of the parents as ‘spending’ these coupons to purchase ‘services’ (chores) from their children.
With this new household currency, the parents, like the government, are now the issuer of their own currency.

And now you can see how a household with its own currency is indeed very much like a government with its own currency.

Let’s begin by asking some questions about how this new household currency works.

Do the parents have to somehow get coupons from their children before they can pay their coupons to their children to do chores?
Of course not!

In fact, the parents must first spend their coupons by paying their children to do household chores, to be able to collect the payment of 10 coupons a week from their children. How else can the children get the coupons they owe the parents?

Likewise, in the real economy, the Federal Government, just like this household with its own coupons, doesn’t have to get the dollars it spends from taxing or borrowing, or anywhere else, to be able to spend them. With modern technology, the Federal Government doesn’t even have to print the dollars it spends the way the parents print their own coupons.

Remember, the Federal Government itself neither has nor doesn’t have dollars, any more than the bowling alley ever has a box of points. When it comes to the dollar, our Government is the scorekeeper.

And how many coupons do the parents have in the parent/child coupon story? It doesn’t matter. They could even just write down on a piece of paper how many coupons the children owe them, how many they’ve earned, and how many they’ve paid each month.

When the Federal Government spends, the funds don’t ‘come from’ anywhere any more than the points ‘come from’ somewhere at the football stadium or the bowling alley.

Nor does collecting taxes (or borrowing) somehow increase the government’s ‘hoard of funds’ available for spending.
In fact, the people at the US Treasury who actually spend the money (by changing numbers on bank accounts up) don’t even have the phone numbers of the people at the IRS who collect taxes (they change the numbers on bank accounts down), or the other people at the US Treasury who do the ‘borrowing’ (issue the Treasury securities).

If it mattered at all how much was taxed or borrowed to be able to spend, you’d think they at least would know each other’s phone numbers! Clearly, it doesn’t matter for their purposes.

From our point of view (not the government’s) we need to first have US dollars to be able to make payments. Just like the children need to earn the coupons from their parents before they can make their weekly coupon payments. And State governments, cities, and businesses are all in that same boat as well. They all need to be able to somehow get dollars before they can spend them. That could mean earning them, borrowing them, or selling something to get the dollars they need to be able to spend.

In fact, as a point of logic, the dollars we need to pay taxes must, directly or indirectly, from the inception of the currency, come from government spending (or government lending, which I’ll discuss later).

Now let’s build a national currency from scratch.

Imagine a new country with a newly announced currency.
No one has any.
Then the government proclaims, for example, a property tax.
How can it be paid?

It can’t, until after the government starts spending.

Only after the government spends its new currency does the population have the funds to pay the tax.
To repeat, the funds to pay taxes, from inception, come from government spending (or lending). Where else can they come from?

Yes, that means the government had to spend first, to ultimately provide us with the funds we need to pay our taxes.
The government, in this case, is just like the parents who have to spend their coupons first, before they can start actually collecting them from their children.

And, neither the government, nor the parents, from inception, can collect more of their own currency than they spend. Where else could it possibly come from?
So while our politicians truly believe government needs to take our dollars, either by taxing or borrowing, for them to be able to spend, the truth is we need the Federal Government’s spending to get the funds we need to pay our taxes.

We don’t get to change numbers like the federal government does (or the bowling alley and the football stadium).

And just like the children who have to earn or somehow get their coupons to make their coupon payments, we have to earn or somehow get US dollars to make our payments.

And, as you now understand, this is just like it happens in any household that issues its own coupons. The coupons the kids need to make their payments to their parents have to come from their parents.

And, as previously stated, government spending is in no case operationally constrained by revenues (tax payments and borrowings). Yes, there can be and there are ‘self imposed’ constraints on spending put there by Congress, but that’s an entirely different matter. These include debt ceiling rules, Treasury overdraft rules, and restrictions of the Fed buying securities from the Treasury. They are all imposed by a Congress that does not have a working knowledge of the monetary system. And, with our current monetary arrangements, all of those self imposed constraints are counterproductive with regard to furthering public purpose. All they do is put blockages in the monetary plumbing that wouldn’t otherwise be there, and, from time to time, create problems that wouldn’t otherwise arise. In fact, it was some of these self imposed blockages that caused the latest financial crisis to spill over to the real economy and contribute to the recession.

The fact that government spending is in no case operationally constrained by revenues means there is no ‘solvency risk.’ In other words, the federal government can always make any and all payments in its own currency, no matter how large the deficit is, or how few taxes it collects. This, however, does NOT mean the government can spend all it wants without consequence. Over spending can drive up prices and create inflation. What it does mean is there is no solvency risk, which means the federal government can’t go broke, and there is no such thing as our government ‘running out of money to spend’ as President Obama has incorrectly stated repeatedly. Nor, as President Obama also stated, is US spending limited by what it can borrow.

So next time you hear ‘where will the money for social security come from’ go ahead and tell them ‘it’s just data entry. It comes from the same place as your score at the bowling alley comes from.’

Putting it all yet another way, government checks don’t bounce, unless the government decides to bounce its own checks.

Government checks don’t bounce.

A few years ago I gave a talk in Australia at an economics conference. The title was ‘Government Checks Don’t Bounce.’ In the audience was the head of research for the Reserve Bank of Australia, a Mr. David Gruen. This was high drama. I had been giving talks for several years to this group of academics and I had not convinced most of them that government solvency wasn’t an issue. They always started with the familiar ‘What Americans don’t understand is that it’s different for a small, open economy like Australia than it is for the United States.’ There seemed to be no way to get it through their perhaps overeducated skulls that at least for this purpose none of that matters. A spread sheet is a spread sheet. All but Professor Bill Mitchell and a few of his colleagues seemed to have this mental block, and so they deeply feared what would happen if ‘the markets’ turned against Australia to somehow keep them from being able to ‘finance the deficit.’

So I began my talk about how government checks don’t bounce, and after a few minutes David’s hand shot up with the statement familiar to all modestly advanced economic students:

‘If the interest rate on the debt is higher than the rate of growth of GDP, than the government’s debt is unsustainable.’
It wasn’t even a question. It was presented as a fact.

I then replied ‘I’m an operations type of guy, David, so tell me, what do you mean by the word unsustainable?’ Do you mean that if the interest rate is very high, and 20 years from now the government debt has grown to a large enough number the government won’t be able to make its interest payments? And if it writes a check to a pensioner that check will bounce?’

David got very quiet, deep in thought, and said while he was thinking it through ‘you know, when I came here, I didn’t think I’d have to think through how the Reserve Bank’s check clearing works’ in an attempt at humor. But no one in the room laughed or made a sound. They were totally focused on what his answer might be. Again, this was high drama - it was the ‘showdown’ on this issue.

David finally said ‘no, we’ll clear the check, but it will cause inflation and the currency will go down. That’s what people mean by unsustainable.’

There was dead silence in the room. The long debate was over. Solvency is not an issue, even for a small, open economy. Bill and I instantly commanded an elevated respect, which took the usual outward form of ‘well of course, we always said that’ from the former doubters and skeptics.

I continued with David, ‘Well, I think most pensioners are concerned about whether the funds will be there when they retire, and whether the Australian government will be able to pay them.’ To which David replied, ‘No, I think they are worried about inflation and the level of the Australian dollar.’ To which Professor Martin Watts, head of the economics department at the University of Newcastle replied, ‘The Hell they are, David!’ To which David very thoughtfully replied, ‘Yes, I suppose you’re right.’

So what actually was confirmed to the Sydney academics in attendance that day? Governments using their own currency can spend what they want when they want, just like the football stadium can put points on the board at will. The consequences of overspending might be inflation or a falling currency, but never bounced checks.
The fact is:

Government deficits can never cause a government to miss any size payment. There is no solvency issue. There is no such thing as running out of money when spending is just changing numbers upwards in bank accounts at your own Federal Reserve Bank.
Yes, households, businesses, and even the States need to have dollars in their bank accounts when they write checks, or those checks can bounce. That’s because the dollars they spend are created by someone else—the Federal Government- and households, businesses, and the States are not the scorekeeper for the dollar.

Why Government Taxes

So why then does government tax us, if it doesn’t actually get anything to spend or need to get anything to spend?

(Hint: It’s the same reason the parents demand 10 coupons a week from their children, when the parents don’t actually need the coupons for anything.)

There is a very good reason they tax us. Taxes create an ongoing need in the economy to get dollars, and therefore an ongoing need for people to sell their goods and their services and their labor to get dollars. With tax liabilities in place the government can buy things with its otherwise worthless dollars, because someone needs the dollars to pay taxes.

Just like the coupon tax on the children creates an ongoing need for the coupons which can be earned by doing the chores for the parents.
Think of a property tax. (You’re not ready to think about income taxes—it comes down to the same thing, but it’s a lot more indirect and complicated). You have to pay the property tax in dollars or lose your house. It’s just like the kids situation, where the need to get 10 coupons or face the consequences.

So now you are motivated to sell things—goods, services, your own labor—to get the dollars you need. It’s just like the kids, who are motivated to do chores to get the coupons they need.

Finally, I have to connect the dots from some people needing dollars to pay their taxes to everyone wanting and using dollars for almost all of their buying and selling. To do that, let’s go back to the example of a new country, with a new currency I’ll call “the crown”, where the government levies a property tax.
Let’s assume the government levies this tax for the further purpose of raising an army, and offers jobs to soldiers who are paid in “crowns”.
Suddenly, a lot of people who own property now need to get crowns, and many of them won’t want to get crowns directly from the government by serving as soldiers. So they start offering their goods and services for sale in exchange for the new crowns they need and want, hoping to get these crowns without having to join the army.

Other people now see many things for sale they would like to have—chickens, corn, clothing, and all kinds of services like haircuts, medical services, and many other services. The sellers of these goods and services want to receive crowns to avoid having to join the army to get the money they need to pay their taxes.

The fact that all these things are being offered for sale in exchange for crowns makes some other people join the army to get the money needed to buy some of those goods and services.

In fact, prices will adjust until as many soldiers as the government wants are enticed to join the army. Because until that happens, there won’t be enough crowns spent by the government to allow the taxpayers to pay all of their taxes, and those needing the crowns who don’t want to go into the army will cut the prices of their goods and services as much as they have to in order to get them sold, or else thow in the towel and join the army themselves.

The following is is not merely a theoretical concept. It’s exactly what happened in Africa in the 1800’s when the British established colonies there to grow crops. The British offered jobs to the local population, but none of them were interested in earning British coins. So the British placed a “hut tax” on all their dwellings, payable only in British coins. Suddenly, the area was “monetized,” as everyone now needed British coins, and the local population started offering things for sale to get the needed coins, including offering their labor for sale. The British could then hire them and pay them in British coins to work the fields and grow their crops.

And this is exactly what the parents did to get labor hours from their children to get the chores done.

And that’s exactly how all of what are called non convertible currencies work (no more gold standards and very few fixed exchange rates left), like the US dollar, the Japanese yen, and the British pound.

Now we’re ready to look at the role of taxes from a different angle, that of today’s economy, using some of the language of economics.

A learned economist today would say that “taxes function to reduce aggregate demand.” Their term aggregate demand is just a fancy term for “spending power.”
The government taxes us and takes away our money for one reason—so we have that much less to spend which makes the currency that much more scarce and valuable.
Taking away our money can also be thought of as leaving room for the government to spend without causing ‘inflation.’

Think of the economy as one big department store full of all the goods and services we all produce and offer for sale every year. We all get paid enough in wages and profits to buy everything in that store, assuming we spent all the money we earned and all the profits we made. (And if we borrow to spend we can buy even more than there is in that store.)

But when some of our money goes to pay taxes, that leaves us short of the spending power we would need to buy all of what’s for sale in the store. This gives government the ‘room’ to buy what it wants so that when it spends what it wants the combined spending of government and the rest of is isn’t too much for what’s for sale in the store.

This is what happens when the government taxes too much relative to its spending, and total spending isn’t enough to make sure everything in the store gets sold.

Keep in mind the public purose behind government doing all this is to raise an army, operate a legal system, support a legislature and executive branch of government, promote public infrastructure, promote basic research, etc. So there is quite a bit that even the most conservative voters would have the government do.

So I look at it this way-

for the ‘right’ amount of government spending which we presume is necessary to run the nation the way we would like to see it run, how high should taxes be?
The reason I look at it this way is because the ‘right amount of government spending’ is an economic and political decision that, properly understood, has nothing to do with government finances. The real ‘costs’ of running the government are the real goods and services it consumes- all the labor hours, fuel, electricity, steel, carbon fiber, hard drives, etc. etc. etc. The real cost of the government using all these real goods and services is that those resources would other wise be available for the private sector. So when they government takes those real resources for its own purposes, there are that many fewer real resources left for private sector activity.

So, for example, the real cost of the ‘right size’ army with enough soldiers to defend ourselves is that there are fewer workers left in the private sector to grow the food, build the cars, do the doctoring and nursing and administrative tasks, sell us stocks and real estate, paint our houses, mow our lawns, etc. etc. etc.

Therefore, the way I see it, we first set the size of government at the ‘right’ level, based on real benefits and real costs, and not the ‘financial’ considerations. The monetary system is the tool we use to achieve our real economic and political objectives, not the source of information as to what those objectives are. And after deciding what we need to spend to the ‘right sized’ government, we adjust taxes so that we all have enough spending power to buy what’s still for sale in the ‘store’ after the government is done with its shopping.

In general, I’d expect taxes to be quite a bit lower than government spending, for reasons already explained and also for reasons explained later in this book. In fact, a budget deficit of perhaps 5% of our gross domestic product might turn out to be the norm, which in today’s economy is about $750 billion annually. However, that number per se is of no particulary economic consequence, and could be a lot higher or a lot lower, depending on the circumstances. What matters is that taxes are set to balance the economy and make sure it’s not too hot or not too cold. And government spending is set at the ‘right amount’ given the size and scope of government we want.

That means just because we are in a slow down, we should not add to the size of government to help the economy. We should already be at the ‘right’ size for government, and therefore not add to it every time the economy slows down and grow it to the ‘wrong’ size. So while during a slowdown increasing government spending will indeed make the numbers work, and will end the recession, for me that is far less desireable than accomplishing the same thing with the ‘right’ tax cuts in sufficient size to restore non government spending to the desired amounts.

Even worse is increasing the size of government just because the government might find itself in surplus. Again, government finances tell us nothing about how large government should be. That decision is rightly and totally independent of government finances. The right amount of government spending has nothing to do with tax revenues or the ability to borrow, as both of those are but tools for implementing policy on behalf of public purpose, and not reasons for spending or not spending, and not sources of revenue needed for actual government spending.

I’ll get specific on what role I see for government later in this book, but rest assured my vision is for a far more streamlined and efficient government, that’s intensely focused on the basis of fundamental public purpose. Fortunately, there are readily available and infinitely sensible ways to do this. We can put the right incentives in place that channel market forces with far less regulation and guidance to better promote the public purpose. This will result in a government and culture that will continue to be the envy of the world. It will be a government that expresses our American values of rewarding hard work and innovation, and promoting equal opportunity, equitable outcomes, and enforceable laws and regulations we can respect with true pride.

But I digress. Returning to the issue of how high taxes need to be, recall that if the government simply tried to buy what it wanted to buy and didn’t take away any of our spending power-no taxes- there would be ‘too much money chasing too few goods’ and the result would be a lot of inflation. In fact, with no taxes nothing would even be offered for sale in exchange for the government money in the first place, as previously discussed.

To prevent the government’s spending from causing that kind of inflation, the government must take away some of our spending power by taxing us, not to actually pay for anything, but so their spending won’t cause inflation. The economist would say it this way- taxes function to regulate aggregate demand, not to raise revenue per se.

In other words, the government taxes us, and takes away our money, to prevent inflation, and not to actually get our money in order to spend it.
Restated one more time- Taxes function to regulate the economy, and not to get money for Congress to spend.

And, again, the government neither has nor doesn’t have dollars, it simply changes numbers in our bank accounts upward when it spends, and downwards when it taxes.

All, presumably, for the further public purpose of regulating the economy.

But as long as government continues to believe this first of 7 deadly innocent frauds- that they need to get money from taxing or borrowing in order to spend, they will continue to support policy that constrains output and employment, and prevents us from achieving what are otherwise readily available economic outcomes.

CHAPTER TWO—THE SECOND DEADLY INNOCENT FRAUD

Deadly Innocent Fraud #2:

With government deficits we are leaving our debt burden to our children.

Fact:

Collectively, in real terms, there is no such burden possible. Debt or no debt, our children get to consume whatever they can produce.

This deadly innocent fraud is often the first answer most give to what they perceive to be the main problem associated with government deficit spending.
Borrowing now means paying for today’s spending later. Or, as commonly seen and heard in the media:

“Higher deficits today mean higher taxes tomorrow.”

And paying later means somehow our children’s real standard of living and general well being will be lower because of our deficits.
Professional economists call this the ‘intergenerational’ debt issue. It is thought that if the federal government deficit spends, it is somehow leaving the real burden of today’s expenditures to somehow be paid for by future generations.

And the numbers are staggering.

But, fortunately, like all of the 7 deadly innocent frauds, it is all readily dismissed in a way that all can understand.
In fact, the idea of our children being somehow necessarily deprived of real goods and services in the future because of what’s called the national debt is nothing less than ridiculous.

Here’s a story that illustrates the point:

A year or two ago I ran into former Senator and Governor Lowell Weicker of Connecticut and his wife Claudia on a boat dock in St. Croix. I asked Senator Weicker what was wrong with the country’s fiscal policy. He replied we have to stop running up these deficits and leaving the burden of paying for today’s spending to our children.

I then asked him the following questions to hopefully illustrate the absurdity of his statement:

“When our children build 15 million cars per year 20 years from now, will they have to send them back in time to 2008 to pay off their debt?”

“Are we still sending real goods and services back in time to 1945 to pay off the lingering debt from World War II?”

Interestingly, it was Claudia who instantly grasped it, agreed with me, and asked her husband what he had to say to that. All he could say was he had to think about it some more.

Of course we all know we don’t send real goods and services back in time to pay off federal government deficits, and that our children won’t have to do that either.

Nor is there any reason government spending from previous years should prevent our children from going to work and producing all the goods and services they are capable of producing.

And in our children’s future, just like today, whoever is alive will be able to go to work and produce and consume their real output of goods and services, no matter how many US Treasury securities are outstanding.

There is no such thing as giving up current year output to the past, and sending it back in time to previous generations. Our children won’t and can’t pay us back for anything we leave them- even if they wanted to.

Nor is the financing of deficit spending anything of any consequence. When government spends, it just changes numbers up in our bank accounts. More specifically, all the commercial banks we use for our banking have bank accounts at the Fed called reserve accounts. Foreign governments have reserve accounts at the Fed as well. These reserve accounts at the Fed are just like checking accounts at any other bank.

When government spends without taxing all it does is change the numbers up in the appropriate checking account (reserve account) at the Fed. That means when government makes a $2,000 social security payment to you, for example, it changes the number up in your bank’s checking account at the Fed by $2,000 which also automatically changes the number up in your account at your bank by $2,000.

Next you need to know what a US Treasury security actually is. A US Treasury security is nothing more than a savings account at the Fed. When you buy a treasury security, you send your dollars to the Fed and some time in the future they send the dollars back plus interest. The same holds true for any savings account at any bank. You send the bank dollars and you get them back plus interest.

So let’s say your bank decides to buy $2,000 worth of Treasury securities. To pay for those Treasury securities, the Fed reduces the number of dollars your bank has in its checking account at the Fed by $2,000, and adds $2,000 to your bank’s savings account at the Fed. (I’m calling the Treasury securities savings accounts, which is all they are.)

In other words when the US government does what’s called ‘borrowing money,’ all it does is move funds from checking accounts at the Fed to savings accounts (Treasury securities) at the Fed. In fact, the entire $13 trillion national debt is nothing more than the economy’s total holdings of savings accounts at the Fed.

And what happens when the Treasury securities come due, and that ‘debt’ has to be paid back? Yes, you guessed it, the Fed merely shifts the dollar balances from the savings accounts at the Fed (Treasury securities) to the appropriate checking accounts at the Fed (reserve accounts). Nor is this anything new. It’s been done exactly like this for a very long time, and no one seems to understand how simple it is and that’s it never can be a problem.

What the government deficits can influence is the current year distribution of real output.

Distribution is about who gets all the goods and services that are produced. In fact, this is what politicians do every time they pass legislation. They redirect real goods and services by decree, for better or for worse. And the odds of doing it for better are substantially decreased when they don’t understand the 7 Deadly Innocent Frauds. Each year, for example, Congress discusses tax policy, always with an eye to the distribution of income and spending. Many seek to tax those ‘who can most afford it’ and direct federal spending to ‘those in need.’ And they also decide how to tax interest, capital gains, estates, etc. as well as how to tax income. All of these are distributional issues.

In addition, Congress decides who they hire and fire, who they buy things from, and who gets direct payments. Congress also makes laws that directly affect many other aspects of prices and incomes.

Foreigners who hold US dollars are particularly at risk. They earn those dollars from selling us real goods and services, yet have no assurance they will be able to buy real goods and services from us in the future. Prices could go up (inflation) and the US Government could legally impose all kinds of taxes on anything foreigners wish to buy from us, which reduces their spending power.

Think of all those cars Japan sold to us for under $2,000 years ago. They’ve been holding those dollars in their savings accounts at the Fed (they own US Treasury securities), and if they now wanted to spend those dollars they would now probably have to pay in excess of $20,000 per car to buy cars from us, if they even wanted to. What can they do about the higher prices? Call the manager and complain? They’ve traded millions of perfectly good cars to us in exchange for credit balances on the Fed’s books that can buy only what we allow them to buy. And look at what happened recently- the Federal Reserve cut rates, which reduced the interest Japan earns on its US Treasury securities. (This discussion continues in a subsequent innocent fraud.)

This is all perfectly legal and business as usual, as each year’s output is ‘divided up’ among the living. None of the real output gets ‘thrown away’ because of outstanding debt, no matter how large. Nor does outstanding debt reduce output and employment, except of course when ill informed policy makers decide to take anti deficit measures measures that do reduce output and employment. Unfortunately, that is currently the case, and that is why this is a deadly innocent fraud.

Today (March 1, 2009), it’s clear Congress is taking more spending power away from us in taxes than is needed to make room for their own spending. Even after we spend what we want and our government does all of its massive spending, there’s still a lot left unsold in that big department store called the economy.

How do we know that? Easy! Count the bodies in the unemployment lines. Look at the massive amount of excess capacity in the economy. Look at what the Fed calls the ‘output gap’ which is the difference between what we could produce at full employment and what we are now producing. It’s enourmous.

Sure, there’s a ‘record deficit and national debt,’ which now you know means we all have that much in savings accounts at the Fed called Treasury securities. And, incidentally, the cumulative US budget deficit, adjusted for the size of the economy, is still far below Japan’s, far below most all of Europe, and very far below the World War II US deficits that got us out of that depression with no debt burden consequences, of course.

And if you’ve gotten this far into this book you may already know why the size of the deficit isn’t a financial issue. And hopefully you know that taxes function to regulate the economy, and not to raise revenue the way Congress thinks.

When I look at today’s economy, it’s screaming at me that that problem is people don’t have enough money to spend. It’s not telling me they have too much spending power and are over spending.

Who would not agree?

Unemployment has doubled and GDP is more than 10% below where it would be if Congress wasn’t over taxing us and taking so much spending power away from us.

And when we operate at less than our potential- less than full employment- then we are depriving our children of the real goods and services we could be producing on their behalf. When we cut back on our support of higher education we are depriving our children of the knowledge they’ll need to be the very best they can be in their future days. When we cut back on basic research and space exploration we are depriving our children of all the fruits of that labor we are instead transferring to the unemployment lines.

So yes, those alive get to consume this year’s output, and also get to decide to use some of the output as ‘investment goods and services, ’ which should increase future output.

And yes, Congress has a big say in who consumes this year’s output. And potential distributional issues due to previous federal deficits can be readily addressed by Congress and distribution can be legally altered to their satisfaction.

So How Do We Pay Off China?

Those worried about paying off the national debt can’t possibly understand how it all works at the operational, nuts and bolts, debits and credits level. Otherwise they would realize that question is entirely inapplicable.

What they don’t understand is that both dollars and US Treasury debt (securities) are nothing more than ‘accounts’ which are nothing more than numbers that the government makes on its own books.

So let’s start by looking a how we got where we are today with China.

It all started when China wanted to sell things to us and we wanted to buy them.

For example, let’s suppose the US Army wanted to buy $1 billion worth of uniforms from China, and China wanted to sell $1 billion worth of uniforms to the US Army at that price.

So the Army buys $1 billion worth of uniforms from China.
First, understand both parties are ‘happy.’ There is no ‘imbalance.’ China would rather have the $1 billion than the uniforms or they wouldn’t have sold them, and the US army would rather have the uniforms than the money or it wouldn’t have bought them. The transactions are all voluntary.
But back to our point- how does China get paid?

China has a reserve account at the Federal Reserve Bank. To quickly review, a reserve account is nothing more than a fancy name for a checking account. It’s the Federal Reserve Bank so they call it a reserve account instead of calling it a checking account.

So to pay China, the Fed adds $1 billion to China’s checking account at the Fed. It does this by changing the numbers in China’s checking account up by $1 billion. The numbers don’t come from anywhere any more than the numbers on a scoreboard at a football came come from anywhere.

China then has some choices. It can do nothing and keep the $1 billion in its checking account at the Fed, or it can buy US Treasury securities.

Again, to quickly review, a US Treasury security is nothing more than a fancy name for a savings account at the Fed. The buyer gives the Fed money, and gets it back later with interest. That’s what a savings account is- you give a bank money and you get it back later with interest.
So let’s say China buys a one year Treasury security.

All that happens is that the Fed subtracts $1 billion from China’s checking account at the Fed, and adds $1 billion to China’s savings account at the Fed.
And all that happens a year later when China’s one year Treasury bill comes due is the Fed removes that money from of China’s savings account at the Fed (including interest) and adds it to China’s checking account at the Fed.

Right now China is holding some $2 trillion US Treasury securities. So what do we do when they mature and it’s time to pay China back? We remove those dollars from their savings account at the Fed and add them to their checking account at the Fed, and wait for them to say what, if anything they might want to do next.

This is what happens when all US government debt comes due, which happens continuously. The Fed removes dollars from savings accounts and adds dollars to checking accounts on its books. And when people buy Treasury securities, the Fed removes dollars from their checking accounts and adds them to their savings accounts. So what’s all the fuss?

It’s all a tragic misunderstanding.
China knows we don’t need them for ‘financing our deficits’ and is playing us for fools. Today that includes Geithner, Clinton, Obama, Summers, and the rest of the administration. It also includes Congress and the media.

They know all we owe them to ‘pay them back’ is a bank statement from the Fed that says how much is in their checking account at the Fed.

Now let me describe this all a bit more technically for those of you who may be interested.
When a Treasury bill, note, or bond is purchased by a bank, for example, the government makes two entries on its spreadsheet we call the ‘monetary system.’

First, it debits (subtracts from) the buyer’s reserve account (checking account) at the Fed.
Then it increases (credits) the buyer’s securities account (savings account) at the Fed.

As before, the government simply changes numbers on its own spread sheet - one number gets changed down and another gets changed up.
And when the dreaded day arrives, and the Treasury securities Chinas holds come due and need to be repaid, the Fed again simply changes two numbers on its own spread sheet.

The Fed debits (subtracts from) China’s securities account at the Fed.
And they credit (add to) China’s reserve (checking) account at the Fed.
That’s all- debt paid!

China now ‘has its money back.’ It has a (very large) dollar balance in its checking account at the Fed. If it wants anything else- cars, boats, real estate, other currencies- it has to buy them at market prices from a willing seller who wants dollar deposits in return. And if China does buy something the Fed will subtract that amount from China’s checking account and add that amount to the checking account of whoever China bought it all from.

Notice too, that ‘paying off China’ doesn’t change China’s stated $ wealth. They simply have dollars in a checking account rather than US Treasury securities (a savings account) of equal dollars. And if they want more Treasury securities instead, no problem, the Fed just moves their dollars from their checking accout to their savings account again, by appropriately changing the numbers.

Paying off the entire US national debt is but a matter of subtracting the value of the maturing securities from one account at the Fed, and entering adding that valued to another account at the Fed. These transfers are non-events for the real economy, and not the source of dire stress presumed by the mainstream economists, the politicians, business people, and the media.

One more time:
To pay off the national debt the government changes two entries in its own spreadsheet - a number that says how many securities are owned by the private sector is changed down, and another number that says how many $ US are being kept at the Fed in reserve accunts is changed up.
Nothing more.
Debt paid, all creditors have their ‘money back’.
What’s the big deal?
So what happens if:
China refuses to buy our debt at current low interest rades paid to them. Interest rates have to go up to attract their purchase of the Treasury Securities, right?

Wrong!

They can leave it in their checking account. It’s of no consequence to a US government that understands its own monetary system. The fundes are not ‘used’ for spending, as we previously described. There are no negative consequences of funds being in a checking account at the Fed rather than a savings account at the Fed.

What happens if China says—I don’t want to keep a checking account at the Fed any more? Pay me in gold or some other means of exchange!

They simply do not have that option under our current “fiat currency” system. If they want something other than dollars they have to buy it from a willing seller, just like the rest of us so when we spend our dollars.

And some day it will be our children changing numbers on what will be their spread sheet, just as seamlessly as we did.

Though hopefully with a better understanding!

But for now, the deadly innocent fraud of leaving our debt to our children continues to drive policy, and keeps us from optimizing output and employment.
The lost output and depreciated human capital is a real price we and our children paying for now that diminishes both the present and the future. We make do with less than what we can produce, and sustain high levels of unemployment, while our children are deprived of the real investments that would have been made on their behalf if we knew how to keep our human resources fully employed and productive.

CHAPTER THREE—THE THIRD DEADLY INNOCENT FRAUD

Deadly Innocent Fraud #3:

Government budget deficits take away savings.

Fact:

Government budget deficits ADD to savings.

Lawrence Summers
Several years ago I had a meeting with Senator Tom Daschle and then Assistant Treasury Secretary Lawrence Summers. I had been discussing these innocent frauds with the Senator, and explaining how they were working against the well being of those who voted for him. So he set up this meeting with the Assistant Treasury Secretary, who was also a former Harvard economics professor and had two uncles who had won Nobel prizes in economics, to get his response and hopefully confirm what I was saying.

I opened with a question:
“Larry, what’s wrong with the budget deficit?”
To which he replied:
“It takes away savings that could be used for investment.’

To which I replied:
“No it doesn’t, all Treasury securities do is offset operating factors at the Fed. It has nothing to do with savings and investment”

To which he replied:
“Well, I really don’t understand reserve accounting so I can’t discuss it at that level.”

Senator Daschle was looking at all this in disbelief. The Harvard professor of economics Assistant Treasury Secretary Lawrence Summers didn’t understand reserve accounting? Sad but true. So I spent the next twenty minutes explaining the ‘paradox of thrift’ (more detail on this innocent fraud #6 later) step by step, which he sort of got right when he finally responded.

“…so we need more investment which will show up as savings?”
I responded with a friendly ‘yes’ after giving this first year economics lesson to the good Harvard professor and ended the meeting. And the next day I saw him on a podium with the Concord Coalition- a band of deficit terrorists- talking about the grave dangers of the budget deficit.

This third deadly innocent fraud was and is alive and well at the very highest levels.

So here’s how it really works, and it could not be simpler:
Any $US government deficit exactly EQUALS the total net increase in the holdings $US financial assets of the rest of us- businesses and households, residents and non residents- what’s called the ‘non government’ sector.

In other words,
Government deficits = increased ‘monetary savings’ for the rest of us. To the penny.
Most simply- Governmtent deficits ADD to ‘our’ savings, to the penny.

This is accounting fact, not theory or philosophy. There is no dispute. It is basic national income accouting.
So, for example, if the government deficit was $1 trillion last year, it means the net increase in savings of financial assets for everyone else combined was exactly $1 trillion.
To the penny.
(For those who took some economics courses, you might remember that net savings of financial assets is held as some combination of actual cash, Treasury securities, and member bank deposits at the Federal Reserve.)

This is economics 101, and first year money banking. It is beyond dispute. It’s an accounting identity. Yet it’s misrepresented continuously, and at the highest levels of political authority. They are just plain wrong.

Just ask anyone at the CBO (Congressional Budget Office), as I have, and they will tell you they have to ‘balance the check book’ and make sure the government deficit equals our new savings, or they have to stay late and find their accounting mistake.

As before, it’s just a bunch of spread sheet entries on the government’s own spreadsheet. When the accountants debit (subtract from) the account called ‘government’ when government spends, they also credit (add to) the accounts of whoever gets those funds. When the government account goes down, some other account goes up, by exactly the same amount.

Next is an example of how operationally government deficits add to savings. This also puts to rest a ridiculous new take on this innocent fraud that’s popped up recently:
“Deficit spending means the government borrows from one person and gives it to another, so nothing new is added- it’s just a shift of money from one person to another.”

In other words, they are saying deficits don’t add to our savings, but just shift savings around. This could not be more wrong! So let’s demonstrate how deficits do ADD to savings, and not just shift savings:
1. Start with the government selling $100 billion of Treasury securities.

(Note this sale is voluntary, which means the buyer buys the securities because he wants to. Presumably because he believes he is better off buying them than not buying them. No one is ever forced to buy government securities. They get sold at auction to the highest bidder who is willing to accept the lowest yield.)

2. When the buyers of these securities pay for them, bank accounts at the Fed are reduced by $100 billion to make the payment.
In other words, money in bank accounts at the Fed is exchanged for the new Treasury securities (which are also accounts at the Fed). At this point (non government) savings is unchanged. The buyers now have new Treasury securities as savings, rather than the money that was in their bank accounts before they bought the Treasury securities.

3. Now the Treasury spends $100 billion after the sale of the $100 billion of new Treasury securities.

4. This Treasury spending adds back $100 billion to someone’s bank accounts.

5. The non government sector now has its $100 billion of bank accounts back
AND $100 billion of new Treasury securities.

Bottom line-
The deficit spending of $100 billion directly added $100 billion of savings in the form of new Treasury securities to non government savings (which includes everyone but the government).
The savings of the buyer of the $100 billion of new treasury securities shifted from money in his bank account to his holdings of the Treasury securities.
Then the Treasury spent $100 billion after selling the Treasury securities, and the savings of receipents of those funds saw their bank accounts and savings increase by that amount.
So, to the original point, deficit spending doesn’t just shift financial assets (money and Treasury securities) outside of the government.
Instead, deficit spending directly adds that amount of savings of financial assets to the non govt sector.
And, likewise,
A federal budget surplus directly subtracts exactly that much from our savings.
And the media and politicians and even top economists all have it BACKWARDS!

In July 1999 the front page of the Wall Street Journal had two headlines. Towards the left was a headline praising President Clinton and the record government budget surplus, and explaining how well fiscal policy was working. On the right margin was a headline that said Americans weren’t saving enough and we had to work harder to save more. Then a few pages later there was a graph with one line showing the surplus going up, and another line showing savings going down.

They were nearly identical, but going in opposite directions, and clearly showing the gains in the government surplus roughly equaled the losses in private savings.

There can’t be a budget surplus with private savings increasing (including nonresident savings of $US financial assets). There is no such thing, yet not a single mainstream economist or government official had it right.

Al Gore
Early in 2000, in a private home in Boca Raton Florida, I was seated next to then Presidential Candidate Al Gore at a fundraiser/dinner to discuss the economy.

The first thing he asked was how I thought the next president should spend the coming $5.6 trillion surplus forecast for the next 10 years. I explained that there wasn’t going to be a $5.6 trillion surplus, because that would mean a $5.6 trillion drop in non government savings of financial assets, which was a ridiculous proposition. At that time the private sector didn’t even have that much in savings to be taxed away by the government, and the latest surpluses of several hundred billion dollars had already removed more than enough private savings to turn the Clinton boom to the soon to come bust.

I pointed out to Candidate Gore how the last six periods of surplus in our more than two hundred year history had been followed by the only six depressions in our history, and how the coming bust due to allowing the budget to go into surplus and drain our savings would result in a recession that would not end until the deficit got high enough to add back our lost income and savings, and deliver the aggregate demand needed to restore output and employment.

I suggested the $5.6 trillion surplus forecast for the next decade would more likely be a $5.6 trillion deficit, as normal savings desires are likely to average 5% of GDP over that period of time.

And that’s pretty much what happened. The economy fell apart, and President Bush temporarily reversed it with his then massive deficit spending of 2003, but after that, and before we had enough deficit spending to replace the financial assets lost to the Clinton surplus years (a budget surplus takes away exactly that much savings from the rest of us), we let the deficit get too small again, and after the sub-prime debt driven bubble burst we again fell apart due to a deficit that was and remains far too small for the circumstances.

For the current level of government spending, govt is over taxing us and we don’t have enough after tax income to buy what’s for sale in that big department store called the economy.

Anyway, Al was a good student, and went over all the details, and agreed it made sense and was indeed what might happen, but said he couldn’t ‘go there.’ And I said I understood the political realities, as he got up and gave his talk about how he was going to spend the coming surpluses.

Robert Rubin
Maybe 10 years ago, around the turn of the century, just before it all fell apart, I found myself in a private client meeting at Citibank with Robert Rubin and about 20 Citibank clients. Rubin gave his take on the economy, and indicated the low savings rate might turn out to be a problem. With just a few minutes left, I told him I agreed about the low savings rate being an issue, and added:

“Bob, does anyone in Washington realize that the budget surplus takes away savings from the non government sectors?
To which he replied:
“No, the surplus adds to savings. When the govt runs a surplus, it buys Treasury securities in the market, and that adds to savings and and investment.
To which I replied:
“No, when you run a surplus we have to sell our securitites to get the money to pay our taxes, and our net financial assets and savings go down by the amount of the surplus.”
Rubin: “No, I think you’re wrong.”

I let it go and the meeting was over. My question was answered. If he didn’t understand surpluses removed savings no one in the administration did. And the economy crashed soon afterwards.

When the January 09 savings report was released, and the press noted that the rise in savings to 5% of GDP was the highest since 1995, they failed to note the current budget deficit passed 5% of GDP, which also happens to be the highest it’s been since 1995.

Clearly the mainstream doesn’t yet realize deficits add to savings. And if Al Gore does, he isn’t saying anything. So watch this year as the federal deficit goes up and savings goes up. Again, the only source of ‘net $ US monetary savings’ (financial assets) for the non government sectors combined (both residents and non residents) is US government deficit spending.

And watch how the same people who want us to save more at the same time want to ‘balance the budget’ by taking away our savings, either through spending cuts or tax increases.

They are all talking out of both sides of their mouths.
They are part of the problem, not part of the answer.
And they are at the very highest levels.
Except for one.

Professor Wynne Godley
Professor Wynne Godley, retired head of Economics at Cambridge University and now over 80 years old, was widely renowned as the most successful forecaster of the British economy for multiple decades. And he did it all with his ‘sector analysis’ which had at its core the fact that the government deficit equals the savings of financial assets of the other sectors combined. And even the success of his forecasting, the iron clad support from the pure accounting facts, and the weight of his office, all of which continues to this day, he has yet to convince the mainstream of the validity of his understandings.

So now we know deficits aren’t the ‘bad things’ the way the mainstream thinks they are.

The government won’t go broke;
Federal deficits don’t burden our children;
Federal deficits don’t just shift funds from one person to another; and
Federal deficits add to our savings.
Taxes function to regulate our spending power and the economy in general.

If the ‘right’ level of taxation needed to support output and employment happens to be a lot less than government spending, that resulting budget deficit is nothing to be afraid of regarding solvency, sustainability, or doing bad by our children.

The only risk is inflation (to be discussed in detail later in this book).

So what is the role for deficits in regard to policy?
It’s very simple. Whenever spending falls short of sustaining our output and employment; when we don’t have enough spending power to buy what’s for sale in that big department store we call the economy for ANY reason; government can act to see to it our own output is sold by either cutting taxes or increasing govt. spending.

So if everyone wants to work and earn money but doesn’t want to spend it, fine!

Government can either buy the output (hand out contracts for infrastructure repairs, national security, medical research, and the like or spend directly) and/or keep cutting taxes until we decide to spend and buy our own output. The choices are political. ‘Finance’ and the size of the deficit offers no useful informantion in making that decision.

The right sized deficit is the one that gets us to where we want to be with regards to output and employment, as well as the size of government we want, no matter how large or how small a deficit that might be.

What matters is real life- output and employment- not the size of the deficit, which is an accounting statistic. In the 1940’s an economist named Abba Lerner called this ‘Functional Finance’ and wrote a book by that name that is still very relevant today.

More on this later, as we now move on to the next innocent fraud.

CHAPTER FOUR—THE FOURTH DEADLY INNOCENT FRAUD

Deadly Innocent Fraud #4:

Social Security is broken.

Fact:

Government Checks Don’t Bounce.

If there is one thing all members of Congress believe is that social security is broken. President elect Obama said the money won’t be there. President Bush used the word bankruptcy four times in one day, and Senator McCain said social security is broken. They are all wrong.

As we’ve already discussed, the government never has or doesn’t have any of its own money. It spends by changing numbers in our bank accounts. This includes social security.

There is no operational constraint on the Government’s ability to meet all Social Security payments in a timely manner.
It does’t matter what the numbers are in the Social Security Trust Fund account.
The trust fund is nothing more than record keeping, as are all accounts at the Fed.

When it comes time to make Social Security payments, all the govt has to do is change numbers up in the beneficiary’s accounts, and then change numbers down in the trust fund accounts to keep track of what it did. If the trust fund number goes negative, so be it. That just reflects the numbers that are changed up as payments to beneficiaries are made.

And one of the major discussions in Washington is whether or not to privatize social security. As you might be guessing by now, that entire discussion makes no sense whatsoever, so let me begin with that and then move on.

The idea of privatization is that:
1. Social security taxes and benefits are reduced, and instead,
2. The amount of the tax reduction is used to buy specified shares of stock. And
3. Because the government is going to collect that much less in taxes the budget deficit will be that much higher, and so the government will have to sell that many more Treasury securities to ‘pay for it all’ (as they say).

Got it?

1. They take less each week from your pay check for social security and
2. You get to use the funds they no longer take from you to buy stocks.
3. You later will collect a bit less in social security payments when you retire, but
4. You will own stocks that will hopefully become worth more than the social security payments you gave up.

From the point of view of the individual it looks like an interesting trade off. The stocks you buy only have to go up modestly over time for you to be quite a bit ahead.

Those who favor this plan say yes, it’s a relatively large one time addition to the deficit, but the savings in social security payments down the road for the government pretty much makes up for that, and the payments going into the stock market will help the economy grow and prosper.

Those against the proposal say the stock market is too risky for this type of thing, and point to the large drop in 2008 as an example. And if people lose in the stock market the government will be compelled to increase social security retirement payments to keep them out of poverty. Therefore, unless we want to risk a high percentage of our seniors falling below the poverty line, government is taking all the risk.

They are both terribly mistaken. (Who would have thought!)

The major flaw in this main stream dialogue is what is called a ‘fallacy of composition.’ The typical textbook example of a fallacy of composition is the football game where you can see better if you stand up, and then conclude that everyone would see better if everyone stood up.

Wrong!

If everyone stands up no one can see better, and everyone is standing up rather than sitting down. So all are worse off.

They all are looking at what is called the micro level for the individual social security participants rather than looking at the macro level which includes the entire population.

To understand what’s fundamentally wrong at the macro (big picture, top down) level, you first have to understand that participating in social security is functionally the same as buying a government bond. Let me explain.

With the current social security program you give the government your dollars now, and it gives you back dollars later. That is exactly what happens when you buy a government bond (yes, or put your money in a savings account). You give the government your dollars now and you get dollars back later plus any interest.

Yes, one might turn out to be a better investment and give you a higher return, but apart from the rate of return, each is very much the same.(Now that you know this, you are way ahead of Congress, by the way.)

Steve Moore
And now you are ready to read about the conversation of several years back I had with Steve Moore, then head of economics at the CATO institute, now a CNBC regular, and a long time supporter of privatizing Social Security.

Steve came down to speak about social security at one of my conferences in Florida. He gave his talk that went much like I just stated- by letting people put their money in the stock market rather than making social security payments they will better off over time when they retire, and the one time increase in the government budget deficit will be both well worth it and probably paid down over time in the expansion to follow, as all that money going into stocks will help the economy grow and prosper.

At that point I led off the question and answer session.

Warren: “Steve, giving the government money now in the form of social security taxes, and getting it back later is functionally the same as buying a government bond, where you give the government money now and it gives it back to you later. The only difference is the return.”

Steve: “OK, but with government bonds you get a higher return than with Social Security which only pays your money back at 2% interest. Social Security is a bad investment for individuals.”

Warren: “OK, I’ll get to the investment aspect later, but let me continue. Under your privatization proposal, the government would reduce Social Security payments and the employees would put that money into the stock market.”

Steve: “Yes, about $100 per month, and only into approved, high quality stocks.”

Warren: “OK, and the US Treasury would have to issue and sell additional securities to cover the reduced revenues.”

Steve: “Yes, and it would also be reducing social security payments down the road.”

Warren: “Right. So to continue with my point, the employees buying the stock buy them from someone else, so all the stocks do is change hands. No new money goes into the economy.”

Steve: “Right”

Warren: “And the people who sold the stock then have the money from the sale which is the money that buys the government bonds.”

Steve: “Yes, you can think of it that way.”

Warren: “So what’s happened is the employees stopped buying into social security, which we agree was functionally the same as buying a government bond, and instead bought stocks. And other people sold their stocks and bought the newly issued government bonds. So looking at it from the macro level, all that happened is some stocks changed hands, and some bonds changed hands. Total stocks outstanding and total bonds outstanding, if you count social security as a bond, remained about the same. And so this should have no influence on the economy, or total savings, or anything else apart from generating transactions costs?”

Steve: “Yes, I suppose you can look at it that way, but I look at it as privatizing, and I believe people can invest their money better than government can.”

Warren: “Ok, but you agree the amount of stocks held by the public hasn’t changed, so with this proposal nothing changes for the economy as a whole.”

Steve: “But it does change things for Social Security participants.”

Warren: “Yes, with exactly the opposite change for others. And none of this has even been discussed by Congress or any mainstream economist? It seems you have an ideological bias towards privatization rhetoric, rather than the substance of the proposal.”

Steve: “I like it because I believe in privatization- I believe that you can invest your money better than government can.”

With that I’ll let Steve have the last word here. The proposal in no way changes the number of shares of stock, or which stocks the American public would hold for investment. So at the macro level it is not the case of allowing the nation to ‘invest better than the government can.’ And Steve knows that, but it doesn’t matter, and he continues to peddle the same illogical story that he knows is illogical. And he gets no criticism from the media apart from the discussion as to whether stocks are a better investment than social security, and whether the bonds the government has to sell will take away savings that could be used for investment, and whether the government risks its solvency by going even deeper into debt, and all the other such innocent fraud nonsense.

Unfortunately, the deadly innocent frauds continuously compound and obscure any chance for legitimate analysis.

And it gets worse yet. The ‘intergenerational’ story continues with something like this:
“The problem is that 30 years from now there will be a lot more retired people and proportionately fewer workers (that part’s right), and the Social Security trust fund will run out of money (as if number in a trust fund is an actual constraint on govt’s ability to spend…silly, but they believe it), so to solve the problem we need to figure out a way to be able to provide seniors with enough money to pay for the goods and services they will need.”

With that last statement it all goes bad. They assume that the real problem of fewer workers and more retirees, which is also known as the dependency ratio, can be ‘solved’ by making sure the retirees have sufficient funds to buy what they need.

Let’s look at it this way. 50 years from now when there is one person left working and 300 million retired people (I exaggerate to make the point), that guy is going to pretty busy since he’ll have to grow all the food, build and maintain all the buildings, do the laundry, take care of all medical needs, produce the TV shows, etc. etc. etc.

So what we need to do is make sure those 300 million retired people have the funds to pay him??? I don’t think so! This problem obviously isn’t about money.

What we need to do is make sure that one guy working is smart enough and productive enough and has enough capital goods and software to be able to get all that done, or those retirees are in serious trouble, no matter how much money they might have.

So the real problem is, if the remaining workers aren’t sufficiently productive there will be a general shortage of goods and services and more ‘money to spend’ will only drive up prices, and not somehow create more goods and services.

The mainstream story deteriorates further as it continues:
“Therefore, government needs to cut spending or increase taxes today, to accumulate the funds for tomorrow’s expenditures.”

By now I trust you know this is ridiculous, and evidence of the deadly innocent frauds hard at work to undermine our well being and the next generation’s standard of living as well.

Our government neither has or doesn’t have dollars. It spends by changing numbers up in our bank accounts, and taxes by changing numbers down in our bank accounts.

And raising taxes serves to lower our spending power. That’s ok if spending is too high causing the economy to ‘overheat’ as we have too much spending power for what’s for sale in that big department store called the economy.

But if that’s not the case, and, in fact, spending is falling far short of what’s needed to buy what’s offered for sale at full employment levels of output, raising taxes and taking away our spending power only makes things that much worse.

And the story gets even worse. Any mainstream economist will agree that there pretty much isn’t anything in the way of real goods we can produce today that will be useful 50 years from now. They go on to say that the only thing we can do for our descendents that far into the future is to do our best to make sure that they have the knowledge and technology to help them meet their future demands.

So the final irony is that in order to somehow ‘save’ public funds for the future, what we do is cut back on expenditures today, which does nothing but set our economy back and cause the growth of output and employment to decline.

And, for the final ‘worse yet,’ the great irony is that the first thing they cut back on is education- the one thing the mainstream agrees should be done that actually helps our children 50 years down the road.

Should our policy makers ever actually get a handle on how the monetary system functions, they would realize the issue is social equity, and possibly inflation, but never government solvency.

They would realize that if they want seniors to have more income at any time, it’s a simple matter of raising benefits, and that the real question is, what level of real resource consumption do we want to provide for our seniors? How much food do we want to allocate to them? How much housing? Clothing? Electricity? Gasoline? Medical services? Those are the real issues, and yes, giving seniors more of those goods and services means less for us. The amount of goods and services we allocate to seniors is the real cost to us, not the actual payments, which are nothing more than numbers in bank accounts.

And if they are concerned about the future, they would support the types of education they thought would be most valuable for that purpose.
But they don’t understand the monetary system and they won’t see it the ‘right way around’ until they do understand it.
Meanwhile, the deadly innocent fraud of Social Security takes its toll on both our present and our future well being.

CHAPTER FIVE—THE FIFTH DEADLY INNOCENT FRAUD

Deadly Innocent Fraud #5:

The trade deficit is an unsustainable imbalance that takes away jobs and output.

Facts:

Imports are real benefits and exports are real costs. Trade deficits directly improve our standard of living. Jobs are lost because taxes are too high for a given level of government spending, not because of imports.

By now you might suspect that, once again, the mainstream has it all backwards, including the trade issue. To get on track with the trade issue, always remember this:
In economics, it’s better to receive than to give. Therefore:

Imports are real benefits.
Exports are real costs.

In other words, going to work to produce real goods and services to export to someone else to consume does you no economic good at all, unless you get to import and consume the real goods and services others produce in return.

And also remember:
The real wealth of a nation is all it produces and keeps for itself, plus all it imports, minus what it must export.

A trade deficit in fact increases our real standard of living. How can it be any other way? And the higher the trade deficit the better.

Yes, the mainstream economists, politicians, and media all have the trade issue completely backwards. Sad but true.

To further make the point, if, for example, General McArthur had proclaimed after WWII that since Japan had lost the war, they would be required to send the US 2 million cars a year and get nothing in return, the result would have been a major international uproar about US exploitation of conquered enemies. We would have been accused of fostering a repeat of the aftermath of WWI, where the allies demanded reparations from Germany that were presumably so high and exploitive they caused WWII.

Well, McArthur did not order that, yet for over 60 years, Japan has in fact been sending us about 2 million cars per year, and we have been sending them little or nothing. And, surprisingly, they think this means they are winning the ‘trade war’ and we think it means we are losing it.

Same with China- they think they are winning because they keep our stores full of their products and get nothing in return. And our leaders agree and think we are losing.

This is madness on a grand scheme! Now take a fresh look at the headlines and commentary we see and hear daily:

*The US is suffering from a trade deficit.
*The trade deficit is an unsustainable imbalance.
*The US is losing jobs to China.
*Like a drunken sailor, the US is borrowing from abroad to fund its spending habits, leaving the bill to our children, as we deplete our national savings.

I’ve heard it all. It’s all total nonsense. We are benefiting IMMENSELY from the trade deficit. The rest of the world has been sending us hundreds of billions of dollars worth of real goods and services in excess of what we send them. They get to produce and export, and we get to import and consume.

Is this an unsustainable imbalance? Certainly not for us! Why would we want to end it? As long as they want to send us goods and services without demanding any goods and services in return, why should we not be able to take them?

There is no reason, apart from a complete misunderstanding of our monetary system by our leaders that’s turned a massive real benefit into a nightmare of domestic unemployment.

Recall from the previous innocent frauds, the US can ALWAYS support domestic output and sustain domestic full employment with fiscal policy (tax cuts and/or govt. spending), even when China, or any other nation, decides to send us real goods and services that displace our industries previously doing that work.

All we have to do is keep American spending power high enough to be able to buy BOTH what foreigners want to sell us AND all the goods and services we can produce ourselves at full employment levels. Yes, jobs may be lost in one or more industries. But with the right fiscal policy there will always be sufficient domestic spending power to be able to employ those willing and able to work producing other goods and services for our private and public consumption. In fact, up until recently, unemployment remained relatively low even as our trade deficit went ever higher.

So what about all the noise about the US borrowing from abroad like drunken sailor to fund our spending habits? Also not true! We are not dependent on China to buy our securities or in any way fund our spending.

Here’s what’s really going on:
Domestic credit creation is funding foreign savings.

What does this mean? Let’s look at an example of a typical transaction. Assume you live in the US and decide to buy a car made in China.

You go to a US bank, get accepted for a loan, and spend the funds on the car.
So where do things then stand? You exchanged the borrowed funds for the car, the Chinese car company has a deposit in the bank, and the bank has a loan to you and a deposit belonging to the Chinese car company on their books. First, all parties are ‘happy.’

You would rather have the car than the funds, or you would not have bought it, so you are happy.
The Chinese car company would rather have the funds than the car, or they would not have sold it, so they are happy.
The bank wants loans and deposits, or it wouldn’t have made the loan, so it’s happy.

There is no ‘imbalance.’ Everyone is sitting fat and happy. They all got exactly what they wanted. The bank has a loan and a deposit, so they are happy and in balance. The Chinese car company has the $ US deposit they want as savings, so they are happy and in balance. And you have the car you want and a car payment you agreed to, so you are happy and in balance as well. Everyone is happy with what they have at that point in time.

And domestic credit creation-the bank loan- has funded the Chinese desire to hold a $ US deposit at the bank which we also call savings.

Where’s the ‘foreign capital?’ There isn’t any! The entire notion of the US somehow depending on foreign capital is inapplicable. Instead, it’s the foreigners who are dependent on our domestic credit creation process to fund their desire to save $ US financial assets.

It’s all a case of domestic credit funding foreign savings.

We are not dependent on foreign savings for funding anything.

Nor can we be. Again, it’s our spread sheet and if they want to save our $ they have to play in our sandbox. And what options do foreign savers have for their dollar deposits? They can do nothing, or they buy other financial assets from willing sellers, or they buy real goods and services from willing sellers. And when they do that, at market prices, again, both parties are happy. The buyers get what they want- real goods and services, other financial assets, etc. The sellers get what they want- the dollar deposit. No imbalances are possible. And there is not even the remotest possibility of US dependency on foreign capital, as there’s no foreign capital involved anywhere in this process.

CHAPTER SIX—THE SIXTH DEADLY INNOCENT FRAUD

Deadly Innocent Fraud #6:

We need savings to provide the funds for investment.

Fact:

Investment adds to savings

Second to last but not least, this innocent fraud undermines our entire economy, as it diverts real resources away from the real sectors to the financial sector, and results in real investment being directed in a manner totally divorced from public purpose. In fact, it’s my guess that this deadly innocent fraud might be draining over 20% annually from useful output and employment- a staggering statistic unmatched in human history. And it leads directly the type of financial crisis we’ve been going through.

It begins with what’s called the paradox of thrift in the economics text books, which goes something like this:
In our economy, spending must equal all income, including profits, for the output of the economy to get sold. (Think about that some to make sure you’ve got it before moving on.)

If anyone attempts to save by spending less than his income, at least one other person must make up for that by spending more than his own income, or the output of the economy won’t get sold.

Unsold output means excess inventories, and the low sales means production and employment cuts, and less total income. And that shortfall of income is equal to the amount not spent by the person trying to save.
Think of it as the person trying to save by not spending his income losing his job, and not getting any income, because his employer can’t sell all the output.

So the paradox is, decisions to save by not spending income result in less income and no new net savings.

Likewise, decisions to spend more than one’s income by going into debt cause incomes to rise and can drive real investment and savings.

Consider this extreme example to make the point:

Supposed everyone ordered a new pluggable hybrid car from our domestic auto industry. Because the industry can’t currently produce that many cars, they would hire us, and borrow to pay us to first build the new factories to meet the new demand.

That means we’d all be working on new plant and equipment- capital goods- and getting paid. But there would not yet be anything to buy, so we would necessarily be ‘saving’ our money for the day the new cars roll off the new assembly lines.

The decision to spend in this case resulted in less spending and more savings. And funds spent on the production of capital goods, which constitute real investment, led to an equal amount of savings.

I like to say it this way-

‘Savings is the accounting record of investment’

Professor Basil Moore

I had this discussion with a Professor Basil Moore in 1996 at a conference in New Hampshire, and he asked if he could use that expression in a book he wanted to write. I’m pleased to report the book with that name has been published and I’ve heard it’s a good read. (I’m waiting for my autographed copy.)

Unfortunately, Congress, the media, and mainstream economists get this all wrong, and somehow conclude we need more savings so there will be funding for investment. What seems to make perfect sense at the micro level is again totally wrong at the macro level.

Just as loans create deposits, investment creates savings. So what do our leaders do in their infinite wisdom when investment falls usually, because of low spending?

They invariably decide ‘we need more savings so there will be more money for investment.’ (And I’ve never heard a single objection from any mainstream economist.) And to accomplish this Congress uses the tax structure to create tax advantaged savings incentives, such as pension funds, IRA’s, and all sorts of tax advantaged institutions that accumulate reserves on a tax deferred basis.

Predictably, all that these incentives do is remove aggregate demand (spending power). They function to keep us from spending our money to buy our output. This slows the economy and introduces the need for private sector credit expansion and public sector deficit spending just to get us back to even.

That’s why what seem to be enormous deficits turn out not to be as inflationary as they otherwise might be.

In fact the deficits are necessary to offset these
Congressionally engineered ‘demand leakages’ caused by the tax advantaged savings vehicles.

Ironically, the same Congressmen pushing the tax advantaged savings programs, we need more savings to have money for investment, are the ones categorically opposed to federal deficit spending.

But it gets even worse. The massive pools of funds (created by the deadly innocent fraud that savings are needed for investment) also need to be managed, and for the further purpose of compounding the monetary savings for the beneficiaries.

This is the support base of the dreaded financial sector- thousands of pension fund managers whipping around vast sums of dollars, which are largely subject to government regulation. For the most part that means investing in publicly traded stocks, rated bonds, and with some diversification to other strategies such as hedge funds and passive commodity strategies. And feeding on these ‘bloated whales’ are the inevitable sharks- the thousands of financial professionals in the brokerage, banking, and financial management industries. But that’s another story…

CHAPTER SEVEN—THE SEVENTH DEADLY INNOCENT FRAUD

Deadly Innocent Fraud #7:

Your reward for getting this far is a look at what has become the most common criticism of government deficits:

Higher deficits today mean higher taxes tomorrow.

Fact:

I agree,
the innocent fraud is that it’s a bad thing,
when in fact it’s a good thing!!!

Your reward for getting this far is you already know the truth about this most common criticism of government deficits. I saved this for last so you would have all the tools to give it a decisive and informed response.

First, why does government tax?
Not to get money, but to take away our spending power if it thinks we have too much spending power and it’s causing an inflation problem.

Why are we running higher deficits today?
Because the ‘department store’ has a lot of unsold goods and services in it- unemployment is high and output is lower than capacity. The government is buying what it wants and we don’t have enough after tax spending power to buy what’s left over. So we cut taxes and maybe increase government spending to increase spending power and help clear the shelves of unsold goods and services.

And why would we ever increase taxes?
Not for the government to get money to spend- we know it doesn’t work that way.
We would increase taxes only when our spending power is too high, and unemployment has gotten so low, and the shelves have gone empty do to our excess spending power, and our available spending power is causing unwanted inflation.

So the statement “Higher deficits today mean higher taxes tomorrow” in fact is saying:
“Higher deficits today when unemployment is high will cause unemployment to go down to the point we need to raise taxes to cool down a booming economy.”

Agreed!

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