Chinese Export Prices/Anecdotals


[Skip to the end]

>   
>   (email exchange)
>   
>   On Thu, Oct 1, 2009 at 7:27 AM, wrote:
>   
>   May be of interest-from JPM China weekly-so much for lower dollar being inflationary!
>   

Details suggest that:

the fall in export prices is rather broad-based across manufactured goods, including chemicals, metal products, machinery and

equipment, telecom products, autos, handbags, and shoes. Indeed, feedback from exporters in coastal areas showed that

although orders from the EU and the US have been increasing, importers are very sensitive to prices and have been negotiating

prices aggressively. The general trend is consistent with our view that although external demand, especially from the G-3

economies, is experiencing a cyclical rebound, the bounce is from unprecedented lows. As such, there is still plenty of slack in

the global economy and the large output gap is depressing the pricing power of producers everywhere.

and Japan has to be seeing the same thing.

Won’t surprise me if they start buying dollars and test the US admin’s resolve on that issue

Be nice if they do and help sustain our real terms of trade!


[top]

Q3 Update


[Skip to the end]

With quarter end now behind us,
I am watching for signs of:

The gold bubble bursting
Equity sell off after quarter end window dressing
Crude leveling off after quarter end window dressing
Dollar strength with lingering Eurozone problems and global concern about losing US market share
Post clunker and post first time home buyer credits softening those series
BMA and rates curves flattening
Accelerating M and A
More political unrest as real terms of trade continue to deteriorate


[top]

Inequality? nothing to worry about, according to Summers & Geithner


[Skip to the end]

Right, as anticipated from the actions of the administration.

We are witnessing the largest transfer of real wealth from the bottom to the top in the history of the world.


U.S. Income Inequality Is Frightening–And Much Worse Than We Thought

By Bruce Judson

Sept. 30 (Business Insider) — The newest economic inequality numbers, which ran counter to the expectations of almost all experts, are frightening.

The Associated Press released an article titled, US income gap widens as poor take hit in recession. The opening paragraph of the article, based on recent census data, reads:

  The recession has hit middle-income and poor families hardest, widening the
  economic gap between the richest and poorest Americans as rippling job
  layoffs ravaged household budgets.

The article, which then discussed the Census statistics that led to this conclusion, failed to mention that the Census Bureau considered the differences between 2007 and 2008, with regard to economic inequality, statistically insignificant.

But, whether the Census Data shows a meaningful increase, or not. is irrelevant. The Census Data reports that, contrary to the almost universal expectations of economists, economic inequality most likely did not decrease in 2008. Experts had anticipated that the declines in income of the rich would lead to a reversal in this groups ever–widening share of our national income. Instead, the Census reported that the 2008 income losses by the top 10% of Americans were offset by larger losses among middle class and poorer Americans.

MIT economist Simon Johnston appears to have been one notable exception to this expectation of a shrinking income gap.

Let’s review what we know about the measurement of income inequality before discussing the disturbing implications of this newest government report.

About two weeks ago, I critiqued a Sept 10, 2009 front page story in the Wall Street Journal titled, Income Gap Shrinks in Slump at the Expense of the Wealthy. My critique had three central points:

First, economists have, with few exceptions, agreed that Census Data is inappropriate for measuring income inequality because it consistently understates the income of the wealthiest families. To protect the privacy of reporting individuals, the Census “top-codes” income, which means that no one is ever recorded as making more than about $1.1 million in a single year. So, oil traders, hedge fund executives and anyone else at the super-high end of the income strata who might earn $100, $50 or $5 million in a single year, always earn $1.1 million or less in this Census Data. In addition, the Census Data does not include capital gains income, which is typically a large source of income for the wealthiest Americans.

Two economists, Professors Emmanuel Saez and Thomas Piketty, developed a method for measuring income inequality using IRS data, which avoided the problems inherent in using Census Data. This data was recently updated in response to the IRS release of 2007 information, and found that: Economic inequality in 2006 was, by some measures at the highest levels, ever found in the data available for the past 95 years. In 2007, these same measure showed a further jump further bringing America to it it’s highest levels of economic inequality in recorded history.

As a consequence of Census top-coding and the lack of capital gains data, the Saez-Piketty methodology has consistently shown that the Census substantially understates the extent of economic inequality in the nation. This means that, there is a real possibility that the the new Census Data understated the extent to which income inequality grew in 2008, and that the relative losses of the wealthiest families, versus less fortunate Americans, will be more than statistically insignificant.

It is possible that losses in reported capital income by the wealthiest Americans, if captured by the Saez-Piketty methodology, will be larger than the the incomes above $1.1 million that were not reported and offset the Census findings, leading as economists anticipated to a decline in the share of income going to the rich. However, I view this as unlikely. In considering this possibility, its important to remember that the IRS works on reported income gains, not gains which were never captured as taxable income. For income reporting purposes, the question is not whether the market value of capital assets declined but whether they were sold at an actual loss from their purchase price.

We will not know the answer to this question until July or August 2010, but in weighing the available evidence my working hypothesis is that as demonstrated by this new Census Report, income inequality did not decrease from 2008 to 2007.

Second, the original Journal article expressed a strong expectation that, as a result of the Great Recession, the ongoing growth of income inequality would decline substantially through 201o. My critique indicated that this was “far from clear.” The conventional economic wisdom, based on historical data, is that income inequality decreases, at least temporarily, as the richest Americans lose income faster than less-well-off Americans during a downturn. In contrast, this new data suggests that the dangerous cycle toward increasing income at the top of America has become even more self-reinforcing than previously recognized. We are now at the point where the pure market forces, which many economists told us would eliminate this issue, are no longer effective.

Third, the Journal article implied that the decrease in economic inequality it incorrectly predicted might be the start of a long-term trend. Instead, I demonstrated that, even if income inequality did decline in 2008 and 2009, it would almost certainly be “temporary.” The historical evidence shows that economic inequality frequently declines in a downturn, in the absence of strong government action, but that it will almost inevitably rebound and continue its march forward.

Now, let’s return to our main point:

Early next week, my new book It Could Happen Here will be released by HarperCollins. The book is an in-depth look , based on a historical analysis, of the implications of our historically high levels of economic inequality for the nation’s ultimate, long-term political stability. As economic inequality grows, nations invariably become increasingly politically unstable: Should we complacently believe that America will be different?

A central conclusion of the book is that once economic inequality reaches a self-reinforcing cycle it is halted only by inevitably controversial, hard-fought, bitterly opposed government action. Senator Jim Webb encapsulated this idea, when he wrote in his book, A Time to Fight: Reclaiming A Fair and Just America:

   “No aristocracy in history has decided to give up any portion of its power
  willingly.”

In 1928, economic inequality was near today’s levels. Franklin Roosevelt succeeded in reversing the trend toward the continuing concentration of wealth, but it was a turbulent battle. In 1936, while campaigning for his second term and speaking at Madison Square Garden, FDR told the crowd:

  â€œNever before in all our history have these forces [Organized Money] been
  so united against one candidate as they stand today. They are unanimous in
  their hate for me and I   welcome their hatred.

  I should like to have it said of my first Administration that in it the forces of
  selfishness and of lust for power met their match. I should like to have it
  said, wait a minute, I should like to have it said of my second Administration
  that in it these forces met their master.”

In FDR’s era and in our own, money brings power: both explicitly and implicitly, in hundreds of different ways, both large and small. Today, the wealthiest Americans, together with a number of financial and corporate interests that act on their behalf, protect their ever-increasing influence through activities that include, among others, lobbying, supplying expertise to the councils of government, casual conversation at dinner parties, the potential for jobs after government service, the power to run media advertisements that influence public opinion. Indeed, MIT economist Simon Johnston, writing in The Atlantic asserted that the U.S. is now run by an oligarchy:

  The great wealth that the financial sector created and concentrated [from
  1983 to 2007] gave bankers enormous political weight–a weight not seen
  in the U.S. since the era of J.P. Morgan (the man) … Of course, the U.S. is
  unique. And just as we have the world’s most advanced economy, military,
  and technology, we also have its most advanced oligarchy.

The new inequality data suggests that the potential problems for the nation associated with the concentration of wealth and power are even more severe than previously recognized. Two weeks ago, I wrote that “Once income concentration becomes a reinforcing cycle of the kind we are witnessing, it is never stopped by pure market forces.” This mechanism is now in full swing. The market forces associated with the Great Recession, which many economist had expected to stem the growing, corrosive gap between the rich and the poor, appear to have become ineffective.

The great strength of American democracy has always been its capacity for self-correction. However, Robert Dahl, the eminent political scientist, recognized that political power fueled by wealth may ultimately neutralize this central aspect of our democracy. In his 2006 book, On Political Equality, Dahl wrote:

  As numerous studies have shown, inequalities in income and wealth are
  likely to produce other inequalities..

  The unequal accumulation of political resources points to an ominous
  possibility: political inequalities may be ratcheted up, so to speak, to
  a level from which they cannot be ratcheted down. The cumulative
  advantages in power, influence, and authority of the more privileged
  strata may become so great that even if less privileged Americans
  compose a majority of citizens they are simply unable, and perhaps
  even unwilling, to make the effort it would require to overcome the
  forces of inequality arrayed against them.

In the chapter following this quote, Dahl notes “that we should not assume this future is inevitable.” He’s right. But, was clearly concerned. Three years late, we should be even more concerned.

Many current Executive Branch initiatives deserve our support and praise: However, nothing proposed to date will effectively halt growing economic inequality, and its corrosive impact on our economy and the long-term future of the nation. (In a future post, I will explicitly discuss the proposed regulatory reform of the financial sector.)

My analysis in It Could Happen Here concludes that without a vibrant middle class, the the American democracy as we know it, is not sustainable. Before the Great Recession, the middle class was in far worse shape than was generally acknowledged. In an economy with a record number of job seekers for every available job, the potential for nearly one-half of all home mortgages to be underwater, and increasing foreclosures, the collapse of the middle class will accelerate. With each job loss and each foreclosure, another family becomes a member of the former middle class.

America has never been a society sharply divided between have’s and have not’s. Unfortunately, this new data says to me we continue to head in that direction. Economists assumed that the Great Recession would be a circuit breaker that would halt this advance, at least temporarily. It did not.

With no new legislation, it appears we are potentially on course for 13 million foreclosures, almost one in every four mortgages in the nation, from the end of 2008 through 2014. Do we really believe that we can turn such huge numbers of Americans out of their homes with no consequences for the health of our system of governance? Could our democracy survive a transformation into a nation composed principally of a privileged upper class and an underclass which struggles from paycheck to paycheck and lacks basic economic security?

We will only stop the growth of economic inequality if the President and the Congress are ready to fight in the style of Franklin Roosevelt. FDR was a divider not a conciliator. Before World War II, he fought an all-out war at home. Today, “There’s class warfare, all right,” as Warren Buffett said, “but it’s my class, the rich class, that’s making war, and we’re winning.”

I fervently hoped that we have not passed the point of no return, described by Professor Dahl. The recent news shows we are one step further on this road. If we continue down it, our nation may be on the path to becoming a House divided against itself, which ultimately cannot stand.


[top]

Conference Board/C-S


[Skip to the end]


Karim writes:

Conference Board survey weaker than expected

  • Falls back from 54.5 to 53.1 with both current conditions and future expex declining
  • Labor differential (Jobs plentiful less Jobs hard to get) falls from -40 to -43.6, near lows for year
  • Cash for clunkers runs its course as plans to buy an auto in next 6mths falls from 5.3 to 4.4, lowest since March
  • Plans to buy a home in next 6mths falls from 3.0 to 2.3

Case-Shiller rises 1.6% in July, 3rd monthly advance in a row.

  • Of note is the 3mth period through July 2008 were the best 3mths for home prices last year, so seasonals may be suspect
  • Also, foreclosures about to ramp up again, creating additional supply-link below has some good data/charts

Link


[top]

Krugman in NYT Blog


[Skip to the end]

>   
>   (email exchange)
>   
>   On Tue, Sep 29, 2009 at 11:20 AM, Joshua Davis wrote:
>   
>   moving in the right direction for sure, but for partly
>   the wrong reason…he still misses the point that we’re
>   not on a gold standard…
>   

Yes, very much so. Does not seem like it would take much to set him straight.

If anyone on this list knows him, please email him a copy of ‘the 7 deadly frauds’ thanks!

The true fiscal cost of stimulus

By Paul Krugman

Sept. 29 (NYT Blog) — As I get ready for the CAP and EPI events, I’ve been thinking more about the issue of crowding in. (See also Mark Thoma.) And I’m coming more and more to the conclusion that the public debate over fiscal stimulus, which views it as an agonizing tradeoff between possible benefits now and certain costs later, is wildly off base.

Just to be clear, we’re talking about fiscal stimulus in a liquidity trap — that is, under conditions in which conventional monetary policy has lost traction, in which the Fed would set interest rates much lower if it could. Under more normal conditions the conventional view of stimulus is more or less right. But we’re in liquidity-trap conditions now, and will be for a long time if official projections are at all right. So what does that imply?

First of all, as I and others have pointed out, fiscal expansion does not crowd out private investment — on the contrary, there’s crowding in, because a stronger economy leads to more investment. So fiscal expansion increases future potential, rather than reducing it.

And yes, there’s some evidence to that effect beyond the procyclical behavior of investment. The new IMF analysis of medium-term effects of financial crisis finds that

    the evidence suggests that economies that apply countercyclical
    fiscal and monetary stimulus in the short run to cushion the
    downturn after a crisis tend to have smaller output losses over
    the medium run.

So fiscal expansion is good for future growth. Still, it does burden the government with higher debt, requiring higher taxes or some other sacrifice in the future. Or does it? Well, probably — but not nearly as much as generally assumed.

Here’s why: first, in the short run fiscal expansion leads to higher GDP, which leads to higher revenues, which offset a significant fraction of the initial outlay. A billion dollars in stimulus probably leads to only $600 million or a bit more in additional debt.

But that’s not the whole story. Crowding in raises future GDP — which raises future tax revenues. And the rise in revenues relative to what they would have been otherwise offsets at least some of the burden of debt service.

I’m not proposing a fiscal-stimulus Laffer curve here: it’s probably not true that spending money actually improves the government’s long-run fiscal position (although that’s certainly within the range of possibilities.) What I am suggesting is that fiscal stimulus under current conditions, where theFed funds rate “ought” to be around -5 percent, does much, much less to hurt that long-run position than the headline number would suggest.

And that, in turn, means that penny-pinching on stimulus is deeply, destructively foolish.


[top]

FDIC fee proposal


[Skip to the end]

Regarding FDIC fees, the smaller the better, so nice to seem them sort of moving in that direction.

All they do is raise rates as they raise the common cost of funds for banks, and Fed policy is to lower rates.

Be nice to have leadership that understands banking and the monetary system!

From: MICHAEL CLOHERTY

Details on the proposal still rolling in. Two immediate takeaways:
less acute quarter-end dislocations, and definitional problems in LIBOR
likely to remain. There will be no more special assessments– those
assessments were based off of quarter end levels of assets, so banks had
a very strong incentive to squeeze quarter end balance sheets. Regular
fees are based off of quarterly average levels of insured deposits, so
you won’t get the same degree of quarter end window dressing (which
means smaller market dislocations).

In addition, they are talking about relatively moderate increases in
future FDIC fees– a 3bp increase in 2011. Fees will be lower than the
23bps hit after the S&L crisis. That means there will be less of a
shift toward uninsured deposits (overseas deposits) in order to avoid
that fee. Which means activity in eurodollar deposits remains light, so
there is no good benchmark for LIBOR (banks are likely to continue to
look at CP/CD rates when submitting their settings).

There will be a near-term increase in bank financing needs, as banks
need to come up with $45bn to prepay fees. This may create a small
hiccup in the downward trend in CP, as well as some additional bank
issuance in the 2yr to 3yr sector.

Also, a small decline in bill supply over year end– the FDIC will take
the $45bn and buy “nonmarketable treasuries” with it (the same IOUs that
are in the social security trust fund). The Tsy will take the $45bn of
cash and spend it, so they dont need to issue quite as many bills as
they otherwise would have. Note that the payments are due Dec 30.


[top]

M and A


[Skip to the end]

As anticipated, this will be larger than ever as the only way to be protected as a shareholder is to buy the whole company.

And the general risks to being a minority shareholder will keep prices lower than otherwise.

M&A Is Back—And May Bring Big Opportunities for Investors

By Jeff Cox

Sept. 25 (Bloomberg) — After missing in action for much of this year’s stock rally, mergers and acquisitions are making a big comeback.


[top]

Value added tax


[Skip to the end]

Yet another regressive proposal that punishes lower income earners disproportionately, as the Obama administration seemingly continues to pursue policies that shift real wealth from the bottom to the top, as Europe has done for decades. It’s also highly contractionary as it reduces aggregate demand, and the higher prices add to headline inflation and get passed through to CPI indexed contracts:

Podesta Says Value-Added Tax ‘More Plausible’ as Deficits Grow

By Heidi Przybyla

Sept. 25 (Bloomberg) — John Podesta compared the nation’s current budget crisis to the situation former President Bill Clinton faced in 1993 and said some form of a value-added tax is “more plausible today than it ever has been.”

“There’s going to have to be revenue in this budget,” said Podesta, Clinton’s former chief of staff and co-chairman of President Barack Obama’s transition team, said in an interview on Bloomberg Television’s “Political Capital with Al Hunt,” airing today.

A so-called consumption tax would “create a balance” with European and Japanese economies and “could potentially have a substantial effect on competitiveness,” said Podesta. Value- added taxes in Europe and Japan encourage savings by taxing consumption.

Podesta said such a tax may be regressive, but can be balanced by exempting some products and using “the money to support low-wage workers.”

Response:

>   
>   (email exchange)
>   
>   On Sun, Sep 27, 2009 at 10:20 PM, Wells wrote:
>   
>   I am totally with you on this Warren. This VAT is a truly regressive tax.
>   

right.

>   
>   People like Forbes pushed for this a new years ago but it went nowhere.
>   After studying it I was left feeling that it hides the true cost of
>   government by burying it in the many stages of production with the end
>   product being just the tip of the tax iceberg. No doubt it probably does
>   encourage savings, as if savings are the be all, end all.
>   

Reducing consumption also reduces ‘savings’- the old paradox of thrift.

The only way it could increase savings is if it threw people out of work and the federal deficit went up, as savings of net financial assets of the non govt sectors can only come from govt. deficit spending.

It’s also a transaction tax, which serves to make transactions more expensive and thereby reduce them. This reduces our real standard of living as it discourages specialization of labor and economies of scale as people tend to do more things themselves rather than do them for each other.


[top]