Surging U.S. Savings Rate Reduces Dependence on China


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This gets more ridiculous by the hour.
The dependence on China already was zero.

And, as in my previous post, the high savings rate of the non government sector
comes dollar for dollar from the deficit and is not necessarily indicative of
low spending.

If it were, that would imply there is no inflation risk to deficit spending on the grounds that it all gets added to savings.

So once again one of our opinion leaders is making a statement that supports the opposite of what he thinks it supports.

Federal deficit spending is clearly adding to incomes, savings, and spending.

As it always does.

Surging U.S. Savings Rate Reduces Dependence on China

by Rich Miller and Alison Sider

June 26th (Bloomberg) — Saks Fifth Avenue is cutting orders 20 percent after postinglosses in the last four quarters. Kia Harris says some customers at the Washington shoe store where she works are buying one pair rather than three.

Incomes and spending were up in yesterday’s report.

In the recession following a borrowing binge that sent consumer debt to the highest level ever, Americans are shutting their wallets and building their nest eggs at the fastest pace in 15 years.

Non government savings and income is ‘funded’ by federal deficit spending — to the penny

While the trend will put the country’s finances in better balance and reduce its dependence on Chinese investment,

Dependence on Chinese investment remains at zero where it’s always been.

it may also restrain economic growth in 2010 and beyond,

No, in fact the higher income and savings added by the federal deficit tends to expand aggregate demand and real economic growth.

said Lyle Gramley, a senior economic adviser with New York-based Soleil Securities Corp. and a former Federal Reserve governor.

Who would have thought???…

“There’s been a fundamental change in people’s behavior,” he said. “It will affect the economy for years.”

Government data today showed that the household savings rate rose to 6.9 percent in May, the highest since December 1993, as personal spending increased less than incomes. The rate in April 2008 was zero.

1993 was also a year of very high federal deficit spending.

This stuff is not that hard…


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JPMorgan, Citigroup Expand in ‘Jumbo’ Home Mortgages


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Lending follows the markets.

As the economy improves banks and other lenders figure it out and jump in.

Also, today’s news on personal income is very bullish as well.

It shows fiscal policy ‘works’ as it did for q2 last year.

The concern is that the ‘savings rate’ is high which takes away from spending.

Not necessarily.

The ‘savings’ comes from federal deficit spending.

Net federal spending adds financial assets to someone’s account in the non government sector that can’t ‘go away.’

The federal spending can be spent many times over and savings will still go up by the same amount.

So to me it looks like the deficit spending is currently high enough to have sufficiently restored savings to levels that promote at least modest increases in consumption.

But not yet enough to bring unemployment down as the output gap continues to grow.

JPMorgan, Citigroup Expand in ‘Jumbo’ Home Mortgages

by Jody Shenn

June 26 (Bloomberg) —JPMorgan Chase & Co. and Citigroup Inc. are expanding in “jumbo” mortgages used to buy the most expensive homes, helping revive a market that shriveled amid a three-year jump in homeowner defaults.

JPMorgan resumed buying new jumbo loans made by other lenders this month, after halting purchases in March, spokesman Tom Kelly said. Borrowers must have checking accounts with the bank, he said. Citigroup is again offering the loans through independent mortgage brokers, spokesman Mark Rodgers said.


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German balanced budget law pending


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(email exchange)

>   On Mon, Jun 22, 2009 at 9:10 AM, wrote:
>   
>   And reach Wolfgang Munchnau in the FT today. Germany is really going nuts here.
>   German sado-fiscalism!
>   

As he says towards the end, it’s a moral issue.

This type of thing is the largest long term risk to economic well being.

I am starting to call it the federal ‘contribution’ rather than the federal ‘deficit’ hoping that might help.

Berlin weaves a deficit hair-shirt for us all

by Wolfgang Münchau

June 21 (FT) —

A decision was taken recently in Berlin to introduce a balanced-budget law in the German constitution. It was a hugely important decision. It may not have received due attention outside Germany given the flood of other economic and financial news. From 2016, it will be illegal for the federal government to run a deficit of more than 0.35 per cent of gross domestic product. From 2020, the federal states will not be allowed to run any deficit at all. Unlike Europe’s stability and growth pact, which was first circumvented, later softened and then ignored, this unilateral constitutional law will stick. I would expect that for the next 20 or 30 years, deficit reduction will be the first, second and third priority of German economic policy.

Anchoring the stability law at the level of the national constitution is an extreme measure – like locking the door, and throwing the keys away. It can only ever be undone with a two-thirds majority – and even a future Grand Coalition may not be able to deliver this as both of the large parties are in a process of secular decline. It means that future fiscal policy will be in the hands of the justices of Germany’s Constitutional Court. The new law replaces a much softer constitutional clause – a golden investment rule that said deficits can only be used to finance investments. It was not a satisfactory rule, but at least it allowed structural deficits in principle. The new law not only sets draconian deficit ceilings, it also provides a detailed numerical toolkit to implement the rules over the economic cycle.

I can foresee two outcomes. First, Germany might end up in a procyclical downward spiral of debt reduction and low growth. In that case, the constitutionally prescribed pursuit of a balanced budget would require ever greater budgetary cuts to compensate for a loss of tax revenues.

To meet the interim deficit reduction goals, the new government will have to start cutting the structural deficits by 2011 at the latest. There is clear danger that the budget consolidation timetable might conflict with the need for further economic stimulus, should the economic crisis take another turn for the worse. There is still economic uncertainty. Bankruptcies are rising, and the German banks are just about to tighten their credit standards again. I simply cannot see how Germany can produce robust growth in such an environment, not even in 2011. If that scenario prevails – as I believe it will – the new constitutional law will produce a pro-cyclical fiscal policy with immediate effect.

One could also construct a virtuous cycle – the second outcome. If Germany were to return to a pre-crisis level of growth in 2011, and all is well after that, the consolidation phase would then start in a cyclical upturn.

Either of those scenarios, even the positive one, is going to be hugely damaging to the eurozone. In the first case, the German economy would become a structural basket case, and would drag down the rest of Europe for a generation. In the second case, economic and political tensions inside the eurozone are going to become unbearable. Over the past 25 years, France has more or less followed Germany’s lead at every turn, but I suspect this may be a turn too far. Deficit reduction has not been, nor will it be, a priority for Nicolas Sarkozy, the French president. On the contrary: he has listened to bad advice from French economists who told him that budget deficits are irrelevant, and that he should focus only on structural reforms. Budget deficits and debt levels matter in a monetary union. But a zero level of debt is neither necessary nor desirable.

I am a little surprised not to hear howls of protests from France and other European countries. Germany has not consulted its European partners in a systematic way. While the Maastricht treaty says countries should treat economic policy as a matter of common concern, this was an example of policy unilateralism at its most extreme.

What is the rationale for such a decision? It cannot be economic, for there is no rule in economics to suggest that zero is the correct level of debt, which is what a balanced budget would effectively imply in the very long run. The optimal debt-to-GDP ratio might be lower for Germany than for some other countries, but it surely is not zero.

While the balanced budget law is economically illiterate, it is also universally popular. Average Germans do not primarily regard debt in terms of its economic meaning, but as a moral issue. Der Spiegel, the German news magazine, had an intriguing report last week on the country’s young generation. One of the protagonists in its story was a young woman who had borrowed a little money to set up her own company. The company turned out to be a success, and she had began to repay the loan. And yet she said she had not felt proud of having taken on debt.

This general level of debt-aversion is bizarre. Many ordinary Germans regard debt as morally objectionable, even if it is put to proper use. They see the financial crisis primarily as a moral crisis of Anglo-Saxon capitalism. The balanced budget constitutional law is therefore not about economics. It is a moral crusade, and it is the last thing, Germany, the eurozone and the world need right now.


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Twin deficit terrorists Ferguson and Buiter


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This is the exact same line Niall Ferguson is spewing.
He also says the two choices are inflating or defaulting.

The inflation would be from too much aggregate demand and a too small output gap.

That would mean that fatefull day would be an economy with maybe 4% unemployment and 90%+ capacity utilization and an overheating economy in general.

Sounds like that’s the goal of deficit spending to me- so in faccct he’s saying deficit spending works with his rant on why it doesn’t.

And if we do need to raise taxes to cool things down some day, we can start with a tax on interest income if we want to cut payments to bond holders.

Regarding the supposed default alternative to inflation, in the full employment and high capacity utilization scenario that might call for a tax increase to cool it down, I don’t see how default fits in or why it would even be considered.

In fact, with our countercyclical tax structure, strong growth that follows deficits automatically drives down the deficit, and can even drive it into surplus, as happened in the 1990’s. In that case one must be quick to reverse the growth constraining surplus should the economy fall apart as happend shortly after y2k.

Feel free to pass this along to either.

The fiscal black hole in the US

June 12 (FT)—US budgetary prospects are dire, disastrous even. Without a major permanent fiscal tightening, starting as soon as cyclical considerations permit, and preferably sooner, the country is headed straight for a build up of public debt that will either have to be inflated away or that will be ‘resolved’ through sovereign default.


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National Journal Expert Blog debate on fiscal sustainability


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What Is Fiscally — And Politically — ‘Sustainable’?

By James K. Galbraith
Professor of Economics, University of Texas

June 11th —Chairman Bernanke may, if he likes, try to define “fiscal sustainability” as a stable ratio of public debt to GDP. But this is, of course, nonsense. It is Ben Bernanke as Humpty-Dumpty, straight from Lewis Carroll, announcing that words mean whatever he chooses them to mean.

Now, we may admit that the power of the Chairman of the Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System is very great. But would someone please point out to me, the section of the Federal Reserve Act, wherein that functionary is empowered to define phrases just as he likes?

A stable ratio of federal debt to GDP may or may not be the right policy objective. But it is neither more nor less “sustainable,” under different economic conditions, than a rising or a falling ratio.

In World War II, from 1940 through 1945, the ratio of US federal debt to GDP rose to about 125 percent. Was this unsustainable? Evidently not. The country won the war, and went on to 30 years of prosperity, during which the debt/GDP ratio gradually fell. Then, beginning in the early 1980s, the ratio started rising again, peaked around 1993, and fell once more.

Thus, a stable ratio of debt to GDP is not a normal feature of modern history. Gradual drift in one direction or the other is normal. There seems no great reason to fear drift in one direction or the other, so long as it is appropriate to the underlying economic conditions.

History has a second lesson. In a crisis, the ratio of public debt to GDP must rise. Why? Because a crisis – and this really is by definition – is a national emergency, and national emergencies demand government action. That was true of the Great Depression, true of war, and true of the Great Crisis we’re now in. Moreover, we’ve designed the system to do much of this work automatically. As income falls and unemployment rises, we have an automatic system of progressive taxation and relief, which generates large budget deficits and rising deficits. Hooray! This is precisely what puts dollars in the pockets of households and private businesses, and stabilizes the economy. Then, when the private economy recovers, the same mechanisms go to work in the opposite direction.

For this reason, a sharp rise in the ratio of debt to GDP, reflecting the strong fiscal response to the crisis, was necessary, desirable, and a good thing. It is not a hidden evil. It is not a secret shame, or even an embarrassment. It does not need to be reversed in the near or even the medium term. If and as the private economy recovers, the ratio will begin again to drift down. And if the private economy does not recover, we will have much bigger problems to worry about, than the debt-to-GDP ratio.

It is therefore a big mistake to argue that the next thing the administration and Congress should do, is focus on stabilizing the debt-to- GDP ratio or bringing it back to some “desired” value. Instead, the ratio should go to whatever value is consistent with a policy of economic recovery and a return to high employment. The primary test of the policy is not what happens to the debt ratio, but what happens to the economy.

*****

Now, what about those frightening budget projections? My friend Bob Reischauer has a scary scenario, in which a very high public-debt-to-GDP ratio leaves the US vulnerable to “pressure from foreign creditors” – a euphemism, one presumes, for the very scary Chinese. Under that pressure, interest rates rise, and interest payments crowd out other spending, forcing draconian cuts down the line. To avert this, Bob has persuaded himself that cuts are required now, not less draconian but implemented gradually. Thus the frog should be cooked bit by bit, to avoid an unpleasant scene later on when the water is really boiling hot.

With due respect, Bob’s argument displays a very vague view of monetary operations and the determination of interest rates. The reality is in front of our noses: Ben Bernanke sets whatever short term interest rate he likes. And Treasury can and does issue whatever short-term securities it likes at a rate pretty close to Bernanke’s fed funds rate. If the Treasury doesn’t like the long term rate, it doesn’t need to issue long-term securities: it can always fund itself at very close to whatever short rate Ben Bernanke chooses to set.

The Chinese can do nothing about this. If they choose not to renew their T-bills as they mature, what does the Federal Reserve do? It debits the securities account, and credits the reserve account! This is like moving funds from a savings account to a checking account. Pretty soon, a Beijing bureaucrat will have to answer why he isn’t earning the tiny bit of extra interest available on the T-bills. End of story.

The only thing the scary foreign creditors can do, if they really do not like the returns available from the US, is sell their dollar assets for some other currency. This will cause a decline in the dollar, some rise in US inflation, and an improvement in our exports. (It will also cause shrieks of pain from European exporters, who will urge their central bank to buy the dollars that the foreigners choose to sell.) The rise in inflation will bring up nominal GDP relative to the debt, and lower the debt-to-GDP ratio. Thus, the crowding-out scenario Bob sketches will not occur.

I’m not particularly in favor of this outcome. But unlike Bob Reischauer’s scenario, this one could possibly occur. And if it did, it would lower real living standards across the board. This is unpleasant, but it would be much fairer than focusing preemptive cuts on the low-income and vulnerable elderly, as those who keep talking about Social Security and Medicare would do.

****

Now, it is true, of course, that you can run a model in which some part of the budget – say, health care – is projected to grow more rapidly than GDP for, say, 50 years, thus blowing itself up to some fantastic proportion of total income and blowing the public finances to smithereens. But this ignores Stein’s Law, which states that when a trend cannot continue it will stop, and Galbraith’s Corollary, which states that when something is impossible, it will not happen.

Why can’t health care rise to 50 percent of GDP? Because, obviously, such a cost inflation would show up in – the inflation statistics! – which are part of GDP. So the assumption of gross, uncontrolled inflation in health care costs contradicts the assumption of stable nominal GDP growth. Again, the consequence of uncontrolled inflation is… inflation! And this increases GDP relative to the debt, so that the ratio of debt to GDP does not, in fact, explode as predicted.

I do not know why the CBO and OMB continue to issue blatantly inconsistent forecasts, but someone should ask them.

Further confusion in this area stems from treating Social Security alongside Medicare as part of some common “entitlement problem.” In reality, health care costs and haphazard health insurance coverage are genuine problems, and should be dealt with. Social Security is just a transfer program. It merely rearranges income. For this reason it cannot be inflationary; the only issue posed is whether the elderly population as a whole deserves to kept out of poverty, or not.

Paying the expenses of the elderly through a public insurance program has the enormous advantage of spreading the burden over all other citizens, whether they have living parents or not, and of ensuring that all the elderly are covered, whether they have living children or not. A public system is also low-cost and efficient, and this too is a big advantage. Apart from that, whether the identical revenue streams are passed through public or private budgets obviously has no implications whatever for the fiscal sustainability of the country as a whole.

****

What is politically sustainable is nothing more than what the political community agrees to at any given time. I have been surprised, and pleased, by the political community’s acquiescence in the working of the automatic stabilizers and expansion program so far. The deficits are bigger, and therefore more effective, than many economists thought would be tolerated. That’s a good sign. But it would be a tragedy if alarmist arguments now prevailed, grossly undermining job prospects for millions of the unemployed.

Let me note, in passing, that Chairman Bernanke should please read the Federal Reserve Act, and focus on the objectives actually specified in it, including “maximum employment, stable prices and moderate long-term interest rates.” He does not have a remit to add stable debt-to-GDP ratios or other transient academic ideas to the list. One might think that the embarrassing experience with inflation targeting would be enough to warn the Chairman against bringing too much of his academic baggage to the day job.


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Laffer WSJ opinion piece


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Get Ready for Inflation and Higher Interest Rates

The unprecedented expansion of the money supply could make the ’70s look benign.

By Arthur B. Laffer

June 10th (WSJ)— Rahm Emanuel was only giving voice to widespread political wisdom when he said that a crisis should never be “wasted.” Crises enable vastly accelerated political agendas and initiatives scarcely conceivable under calmer circumstances. So it goes now.

Here we stand more than a year into a grave economic crisis with a projected budget deficit of 13% of GDP. That’s more than twice the size of the next largest deficit since World War II. And this projected deficit is the culmination of a year when the federal government, at taxpayers’ expense, acquired enormous stakes in the banking, auto, mortgage, health-care and insurance industries.

Art knows the difference between purchasing financial assets (usually done by the Fed) and purchasing goods and services (and indirectly through transfer payments) but here elects to ignore it.

With the crisis, the ill-conceived government reactions, and the ensuing economic downturn, the unfunded liabilities of federal programs — such as Social Security, civil-service and military pensions, the Pension Benefit Guarantee Corporation, Medicare and Medicaid — are over the $100 trillion mark. With U.S. GDP and federal tax receipts at about $14 trillion and $2.4 trillion respectively, such a debt all but guarantees higher interest rates, massive tax increases, and partial default on government promises.

He also recognizes the demand leakages including pension fund contributions, insurance reserves, USD financial accumulations of non residents, IRA’s, other corporate reserves, etc. tend to compound geometrically and are thereby strong contractionary biases.

But as bad as the fiscal picture is, panic-driven monetary policies portend to have even more dire consequences. We can expect rapidly rising prices and much, much higher interest rates over the next four or five years, and a concomitant deleterious impact on output and employment not unlike the late 1970s.

He also knows causation runs from loans to deposits and reserves and not from reserves to anything at all.

I’ve had this discussion personally with him and I wrote ‘soft currency economics’ jointly with Mark McNary who worked at art’s firm with both involved.

About eight months ago, starting in early September 2008, the Bernanke Fed did an abrupt about-face and radically increased the monetary base — which is comprised of currency in circulation, member bank reserves held at the Fed, and vault cash — by a little less than $1 trillion. The Fed controls the monetary base 100% and does so by purchasing and selling assets in the open market. By such a radical move, the Fed signaled a 180-degree shift in its focus from an anti-inflation position to an anti-deflation position.

Bank reserves are crucially important because they are the foundation upon which banks are able to expand their liabilities and thereby increase the quantity of money.

He knows this is not the case. He knows that lending is in no case reserve constrained, and that it’s about price and not quantity.

Banks are required to hold a certain fraction of their liabilities — demand deposits and other checkable deposits — in reserves held at the Fed or in vault cash. Prior to the huge increase in bank reserves, banks had been constrained from expanding loans by their reserve positions.

There were no banks of any consequence constrained from lending by their reserve positions that I know of.

In fact, they all had excess collateral they could have taken to the discount window as needed.

There were some banks constrained by capital considerations but that’s an entirely different story.

That’s why adding the excess reserves didn’t change anything with regards to lending.

Art knows this as well.

They weren’t able to inject liquidity into the economy, which had been so desperately needed in response to the liquidity crisis that began in 2007 and continued into 2008. But since last September, all of that has changed. Banks now have huge amounts of excess reserves, enabling them to make lots of net new loans.

Yet a chart of lending shows no changes as functions of reserve positions.

The way a bank or the banking system makes new loans is conceptually pretty simple. Banks find an entity that they believe to be credit-worthy that also wants a loan, and in exchange for the new company’s IOU (i.e., loan) the bank opens up a checking account for the customer. For the bank’s sake, the hope is that the interest paid by the borrower more than makes up for the cost and risk of the loan. The recently ballyhooed “stress tests” on banks are nothing more than checking how well a bank can weather differing levels of default risk.

Correct. And these loans are not reserve constrained.

And even if they were somehow constrained by reserves, innovations in sweep accounts have reduced reserve requirements to near 0.

What’s important for the overall economy, however, is how fast these loans are made and how rapidly the quantity of money increases.

Most important is the level of spending which may or may not be a function of the lending that creates the ‘quantity of money’ as defined by Art. And he knows that as well.

For our purposes, money is the sum total of all currency in circulation, bank demand deposits, other checkable deposits, and travelers checks (economists call this M1). When reserve constraints on banks are removed, it does take the banks time to make new loans. But given sufficient time, they will make enough new loans until they are once again reserve constrained.

He knows they are never reserve constrained.

The expansion of money, given an increase in the monetary base, is inevitable, and will ultimately result in higher inflation and interest rates. In shorter time frames, the expansion of money can also result in higher stock prices, a weaker currency, and increases in commodity prices such as oil and gold.

In general the causation runs in the other direction, as he also knows.

At present, banks are doing just what we would expect them to do. They are making new loans and increasing overall bank liabilities (i.e., money). The 12-month growth rate of M1 is now in the 15% range, and close to its highest level in the past half century.

He also knows a lot of this simply replaced commercial paper issuance and other forms of non bank lending, and that total credit is the more useful indicator of lending activity.

With an increased trust in the overall banking system, the panic demand for money has begun to and should continue to recede. The dramatic drop in output and employment in the U.S. economy will also reduce the demand for money. Reduced demand for money combined with rapid growth in money is a surefire recipe for inflation and higher interest rates. The higher interest rates themselves will also further reduce the demand for money, thereby exacerbating inflationary pressures. It’s a catch-22.

He also knows interest rates are voted on by the fed and that term rates reflect anticipated Fed moves.

It’s difficult to estimate the magnitude of the inflationary and interest-rate consequences of the Fed’s actions because, frankly, we haven’t ever seen anything like this in the U.S.

He knows there are no consequences. The Fed is like the kid in the car seat with a steering wheel who thinks he’s driving.

To date what’s happened is potentially far more inflationary than were the monetary policies of the 1970s, when the prime interest rate peaked at 21.5% and inflation peaked in the low double digits. Gold prices went from $35 per ounce to $850 per ounce, and the dollar collapsed on the foreign exchanges. It wasn’t a pretty picture.

He knows that was caused by cost push from Saudi price setting that was broken by the deregulation of natural gas in 1978 that resulted in a 15 million barrel per day supply response as our utilities switched from oil to natural gas.

Now the Fed can, and I believe should, do what it must to mitigate the inevitable consequences of its unwarranted increase in the monetary base. It should contract the monetary base back to where it otherwise would have been, plus a slight increase geared toward economic expansion.

All that would do is raise rates some due to the fed selling its securities.

Or the Fed could repo its position so the banks would hold overnight collateral rather than over night reserves. Functionally that changes nothing except for creating a lot more book keeping work.

Absent this major contraction in the monetary base, the Fed should increase reserve requirements on member banks to absorb the excess reserves.

This is just plain silly.

Art knows there is no remaining ‘monetary purpose’ of reserves since we went off the gold standard, which he understands as well as anyone.

Canada and others dropped reserve requirements long ago with no consequences beyond a reduced accounting burden.

Given that banks are now paid interest on their reserves and short-term rates are very low, raising reserve requirements should not exact too much of a penalty on the banking system, and the long-term gains of the lessened inflation would many times over warrant whatever short-term costs there might be.

No penalty and no inflation consequences either.

Alas, I doubt very much that the Fed will do what is necessary to guard against future inflation and higher interest rates. If the Fed were to reduce the monetary base by $1 trillion, it would need to sell a net $1 trillion in bonds. This would put the Fed in direct competition with Treasury’s planned issuance of about $2 trillion worth of bonds over the coming 12 months. Failed auctions would become the norm and bond prices would tumble, reflecting a massive oversupply of government bonds.

Yes, yields would go higher, though not as disorderly as he forecasts.

And, as previously discussed, there’s no reason to do that unless the fed wants higher rates.

In addition, a rapid contraction of the monetary base as I propose would cause a contraction in bank lending, or at best limited expansion. This is exactly what happened in 2000 and 2001 when the Fed contracted the monetary base the last time. The economy quickly dipped into recession.

He knows the contraction of the base back then did not cause anything.

While the short-term pain of a deepened recession is quite sharp, the long-term consequences of double-digit inflation are devastating. For Fed Chairman Ben Bernanke it’s a Hobson’s choice. For me the issue is how to protect assets for my grandchildren.

The best gift he could give his grand children is to tell the story right way around as he knows is the case.

Mr. Laffer is the chairman of Laffer Associates and co-author of “The End of Prosperity: How Higher Taxes Will Doom the Economy — If We Let It Happen” (Threshold, 2008).


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China News


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In case anyone thought fiscal policy doesn’t ‘work’

Highlights

China Car Sales Jump ‘Beyond Imagination,’ Bring Wait
China economy poised for ‘sustainable’ growth
China’s consumer prices fall for 4th month
China Still Faces Net Capital Inflow Pressure, Market News Says
China’s Property Sales Surge, Add to Recovery Signs
China Should Prepare to Counter Stagflation, Researchers Say
China’s Industrial Output Climbed 8.9% in May, Ming Pao Says


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‘Legacy of Debt’ Gives Fiscal Stimulus Bad Name: Caroline Baum


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This article gives Baum a bad name.

‘Legacy of Debt’ Gives Fiscal Stimulus Bad Name: Caroline Baum

Commentary by Caroline Baum

June 5(Bloomberg) — By the time the U.S. government unveiled its Public Private Investment Partnership in March, the toxic loans and securities clogging bank balance sheets had become “legacy assets.”

What if deficit hawks took the same tack and marketed the $787 billion fiscal stimulus as “legacy debt?”

They would be making yet another error. This is no basis for an article unless one is intent on being part of the problem rather than part of the answer.

“The $787 billion the U.S. Treasury will be borrowing or confiscating from you via taxation will saddle future generations with a legacy of debt,” the press release might read. “Your children and grandchildren can look forward to higher taxes, a lower standard of living and minimal government support in their old age.”

Wonderful, another deficit terrorist spewing counterproductive rhetoric and irresponsible journalism.

First, there is no intergenerational transfer of debt in real terms. Whatever goods and services our children produce will be consumed by whoever happens to be alive at that time. And a nominal government deficit does not keep them from operating at less than full employment.

Second, government securities function as benefits for investors, not costs. One buys them voluntarily and, at the macro level, directly or indirectly, as an alternative to holding reserve balances at the Fed. This means they are purchased at prices where they are preferred to holding balances at the Fed. Nothing is ‘taken away’ by sales of treasury securities and total (non government)holdings of financial assets remain unchanged.

Third, taxes function to reduce aggregate demand. Taxes need be raised in the future when aggregate demand is deemed too high, and not the deficit per se. That is a scenario of low unemployment and high consumption relative to available resources. Not ‘a lower standard of living’ or ‘minimal government support in their old age.’

Maybe the public would balk. And maybe some member of Congress would be bold enough to sponsor a measure to call off the still-uncommitted expenditures.

And thereby contribute to even lower output and employment.

After all, the economy appears to be recovering without fiscal stimulus.

??? The relative improvement has come only after the (non TARP) deficit got over 6% of GDP
And it has barely slowed the collapse.

The 9.4% unemployment is clear evidence aggregate demand is grossly deficient.

The rate of decline in real gross domestic product has slowed from an average 6 percent in the fourth quarter of last year and first quarter of 2009. Real GDP is expected to fall 1.9 percent in the current quarter, according to the median forecast of 61 economists in a Bloomberg News survey from early May. Less negative is the first step toward positive.

Yes, due to the ‘automatic stabilizers’ increasing the deficit, as above.

And only when GDP grows faster than productivity does the output gap fall.

And that’s before any real money gets spent. So far $36.7 billion has been distributed via various government agencies, according to Recovery.gov, the Web site that tracks where your tax dollars are going. That’s 7.4 percent of the $499 billion of outlays ($288 billion of the $787 billion is “tax relief”) and 29 percent of the funds that have been committed to a purpose or a project.

Patient, Heal Thyself

Tax relief comes in the form of larger monthly paychecks for workers and tax credits — for investment in renewable sources of energy, for first-time home buyers — that are encouraging activity now even though the benefit is in the future.

Still, it’s a trickle, not a waterfall.

So if fiscal stimulus can’t take credit for the improvement in the economy, what can? The answer is a combination of monetary policy and self-healing (an economy’s natural tendency is to grow).

Wrong. It’s been all fiscal to this point. Yes, its healed itself, via the very ugly automatic fiscal stabilizers of falling revenue and rising transfer payments with rising unemployment. This could have been avoided with proactive fiscal measures last July.
The Federal Reserve has thrown the kitchen sink at the economy, using traditional and non-traditional means to provide liquidity and credit when the banking system wasn’t up to the task.

Lower rates have drained aggregate demand as savers lost a lot more income than borrowers gained. The Fed’s portfolio alone has removed over $50 billion of annual interest income from savers and investors.

Fed’s CPR

Even before the Fed lowered the overnight interbank lending rate to 0 to 0.25 percent in December,

Savers have seen rates fall by about 5%, reducing aggregate demand, while most borrowers have seen little, if any, drop in rates as bank net interest margins widened to over 4%. And this additional bank income has a marginal propensity to consume of near 0.

the central bank was already ministering to markets and institutions outside its normal discount window customers, otherwise known as depository institutions. It was supporting the commercial paper market; had committed to purchase mortgage-backed securities and agency debt; had agreed to finance investor purchases of asset-backed securities; and had leant support to specific institutions, taking on some of Bear Stearns’s toxic, I mean, legacy, assets in March 2008 and bailing out American International Group in September.

Yes, and all of this has served to lower the term structure of rates and reduce saver’s incomes.

That’s the beauty of monetary policy. It can be implemented instantaneously. The Fed’s challenge is to be as quick on the return trip.

And, as per Bernanke’s 2004 paper, said rate cuts reduce aggregate demand via the ‘fiscal channel’ which means it reduces interest paid by government which needs to be offset by easier fiscal policy to not be a drag on output and employment.

The problem with fiscal stimulus, aside from the fact that it’s a misnomer, is that it arrives too late.

And further delayed by articles like.

Also, a payroll tax cut is instant, as would be per capita revenue sharing checks to the states.

At least that was the standard criticism prior to the enactment of the $787 billion American Reinvestment and Recovery Act of 2009 in February. The government’s tax and spending policies require the approval of a majority of the 100 senators and 435 members of the House of Representatives. And as we know, these 535 individuals sometimes confuse the people’s business with their own: getting re-elected.

True, which includes dealing with public opinion that is further jaded by unintentionally subversive articles like this one.

Preferred Stimuli

This time around, a new president with solid majorities in both Houses of Congress was able to saddle future generations with trillions of dollars of debt less than a month after he took office. The Congressional Budget Office projects the debt- to-GDP ratio rising to 70 percent in 2011, the highest since the early 1950s, when the U.S. was winding down the war effort.

You are including purchases of financial assets which is highly misleading and shows a further lack of understanding of public accounting.

If you believe, as I do, that monetary policy is the more potent of the stimuli, that fiscal “stimulus” just transfers spending from tomorrow to today and from the private sector to the government, with no net long-term gain, then maybe it’s time to stand up for the next generation.

And stand against the accounting identities.

Government deficits add directly non government savings of financial assets. To the penny.

Changes in interest rates only shift incomes between savers and investors.

And all the econometric evidence shows ‘monetary policy’ does little or nothing while fiscal policy is directly traced to changes in GDP.

Besides, where is it written that the ill effects of years of over-consumption and under-saving have to be repaired in a year? Instant gratification means future deprivation.

Over consumption? Did we consume more than we produced? No, investment remained positive during the growth years, which were years of high investment as well. That is not over consumption.

Now, with the recession and consumer pull back, is when investment is falling and we can be said to be thereby over consuming.

Word Choice

Fed Chairman Ben Bernanke used part of his June 3 testimony to the House Budget Committee to warn of the consequences of unchecked spending, even in the face of recession and financial instability.
“Unless we demonstrate a strong commitment to fiscal sustainability in the longer term, we will have neither financial stability nor healthy economic growth,” he said.

Yes, sadly, he’s in that camp as well. As is the entire administration if you believe their current rhetoric.

If it takes a marketing gimmick — labeling fiscal stimulus a “legacy of debt” — to convey the message to the public and Congress, so be it.

How about taking the effort to get it right and trying to undo the damage you’ve done…

(Caroline Baum, author of “Just What I Said,” is a Bloomberg News columnist. The opinions expressed are her own.)

Opinions are her own, as selectively published by Bloomberg News.


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