WWII Deficit Spending


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This is from ‘Full Employment and Price Stability’ under ‘Mandatory readings‘ at www.moslereconomics.com:

Past Attempts at Government Sponsored Full Employment

With a private sector desire for H(nfa), and a government that fails to run a deficit large enough to accommodate that desire, the corresponding unemployment can be severe. It may eventually be reduced by a reduction in desired H(nfa) because of lower interest rates, or, as some contend, by falling wages. However, the time necessary to test this hypothesis is usually beyond human tolerance, and the pragmatic view of government employment arises.

For example, from 1931 to 1941 unemployment averaged well over 10% – the definition of a depression. It hit a high of 24.9% in 1933, and was still 14.6% as late as 1940. GNP reached a high of $203.6 (billions of 1958 dollars) in 1929; fell to a low of $141.5 in 1933, and by 1939, had crept up only to $209.4. Low interest rates were not enough to decrease desired H(nfa). Short term Treasury securities reached a high of just over 5% in May of 1929, were cut to the mid 3% range in November 1929 following the stock market crash, and were as low as about 0.5% by September 1931. Rates were increased to about 2.5% until May of 1932, and then remained well under 1% until 1948. Continuous low interest rates also did not seem to result in run-away asset prices. The Dow equity index price did not recover to its 1929 highs until 1958, the 1927 highs were not reached until 1946, and the low of 1930 was not surpassed until 1936.

In 1933, after several years of undesirable unemployment and depressed GNP, the Public Works Administration, the first public works program, was enacted. It was followed by the WPA in 1935. It is noteworthy that these programs did not come about until after several years of troubling unemployment, and fell short of solving the unemployment crisis and ending the depression. Work relief never reached more than 40% of the unemployed, and only 3 million of the 9 million unemployed participated in the WPA. The reason these programs were constrained was the reluctance to engage in government deficit spending. During the 1930’s, in spite of the high unemployment and depressed growth, budget balancing was never far from the forefront of political purpose. Belief in a balanced budget prevented government relief programs from ending the depression, and when Roosevelt honored his 1936 campaign pledge to balance the budget in 1937, the economy suffered a major setback with unemployment jumping back to 19.1% from a seven year low of 14.3%. Public works programs that were ‘paid for’ by other spending cuts or by tax increases could not reduce unemployment as there was never enough net government spending to accommodate desired H(nfa). The largest deficit of the 1930’s was 5.9% of GNP in 1934, and it was down to 0.1% of GNP by 1938. The U.S. was on a gold standard, and policy had to include managing the national gold supply. This led to various extremes such as suspending domestic convertibility in 1934, and making it illegal for domestics to own gold, as well as strong support for balancing the federal budget.

During WWII, a radically different approach was initiated. Government spending exceeded tax collections in 1942, 1943,1944, and 1945 by 14.5%, 31.1%, 23.6%, and 22.4% of GNP respectively. Unemployment was under 2% by 1943, and output increased from $209.4 (billions of 1958 dollars) to $337.1 by 1943. Prices were fixed, and government planning agents from the Office of Price Administration enacted rationing. Great effort was taken to ensure that rationing was perceived as equitable ensuring public support for the program. Patriotism kept Americans from black markets that may have otherwise drained resources needed for the war effort, and patriotism also became associated with nominal savings. The idea was to get desired H(nfa) up to the level of deficit spending in a low interest rate environment. In other words, hoarding of dollar denominated financial assets via government bond purchases was encouraged, allowing the government to purchase up to 60% of the real output without price competition from consumers. The desire of the American public to earn money and not spend it, which caused the unemployment of the previous decade, now dovetailed well with the public sector demands for war production, and unemployment was, for all practical purposes, eliminated.


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2009-01-08 USER


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Initial Jobless Claims (Jan 3)

Survey 545K
Actual 467K
Prior 492K
Revised 491K

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Continuing Claims (Dec 27)

Survey 4483K
Actual 4611K
Prior 4506K
Revised 4510K

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Jobless Claims ALLX (Jan 3)


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Stimulus package


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(email exchange)

>   
>   Mauer wrote:
>   
>   My main worry about the efficacy of the fiscal
>   stimulus–aside from the international
>   spillovers in case it is not supported by equally
>   ambitious fiscal plans elsewhere–is this:
>   households that face considerable employment
>   uncertainty, and hence about their to future
>   income prospects, are unlikely to go on a big
>   spending spree. Just as banks are hoarding
>   cash, households will try to preserve wealth
>   by increasing saving at the margin. This
>   reduces the marginal propensity to consume,
>   and renders the fiscal boost rather ineffective.
>   
>   Why not try to deal with the looming
>   unemployment problem, and the huge sense of
>   risk and uncertainty it creates, more directly?
>   What I have in mind is subsidizing employment
>   directly by providing employers incentives to
>   keep people on the job.
>   

I look at it this way- if people want to work and earn/save/not spend their paychecks, the output can be directed to public goods and services (goods and services not re-offered for sale) without ‘inflation’.

This is done via federal deficit spending, which adds exactly that amount to non-government ‘savings.’

Trying to increase output that needs to be bought on the market when the desire to consume isn’t there requires that much more deficit spending to eventually induce more spending.

This can/does work, and with government solvency not an issue, it’s a viable political option.

However, seems public purpose is better served via deficit spending, producing public goods and services when the desire for private goods and services is suppressed?

For a narrow example to make the point, why try to induce more car production and employment building cars and marketing cars when the demand isn’t there due to desires to save rather than spend? Instead employ people to fix the roads and bridges until demand for vehicles picks up?

That said, my best guess is that given more income, spending will go up substantially and in short order, due to delayed purchases due to lack of income.

Warren


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Obama and the deficit


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Obama Says Deficit Likely to Approach $1 Trillion

by Julianna Goldman and Roger Runningen

Jan 6 (Bloomberg) — President-elect Barack Obama said he expects to inherit a $1 trillion budget deficit and that similar shortfalls are in store “for years to come” as the government grapples with a recession and other spending demands.

A “trillion dollar deficit will be here before we even start the next budget,” Obama said after meeting in Washington with his economic advisers, including Peter Orszag, who has been designated as director of the Office of Management and Budget. “Potentially we’ve got trillion-dollar deficits for years to come, even with the economic recovery we are working on.”

Obama said he wants his budget and economic teams to craft a stimulus plan that stabilizes the economy and begins the process of “getting our budget under control.” That includes barring lawmakers from inserting pet spending projects, known as earmarks, into the legislation, he said.

‘Unsustainable’ Spending
Some congressional Democrats, including Senate Budget Committee ChairmanKent Conrad of North Dakota, are calling the incoming administration to come up with a long-term plan to cut the deficit. Conrad said today on Bloomberg TV that the nation’s financial situation is “unsustainable for the long term.”

A plan for dealing with budget imbalances “has to be put in place” as the new administration and Congress craft a stimulus plan, he said.

Obama said he agrees.

“It’s not just Democratic or Republican colleagues on the Hill that are concerned about this, I’m concerned about this,” Obama said. “I’m going to be willing to make some very difficult choices in how we get a handle on this deficit.”


Advisers

Along with Orszag, those who took part in the session were Timothy Geithner, Treasury secretary-designate; Christina Romer, director-designate of the Council of Economic Advisors and Lawrence Summers, director-designate of the National Economic Council.


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Fed minutes, cont.


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Just in case you thought the FOMC understands monetary operations and reserve accounting.

(And I didn’t see any discussion on the swap lines to foreign CBs)

Participants discussed the potential advantages and disadvantages of setting quantitative targets for bank reserves or the monetary base. Some were of the view that quantitative targets for an increasing reserve base could be effective in preventing deflationary dynamics and useful in communicating to the public the Committee’s determination to take the steps needed to avoid such an outcome. Several other participants, however, noted that increases in excess reserves or the monetary base, by themselves, might not have a significant stimulative effect on the economy or prices because the normal bank intermediation mechanism appeared to be impaired, and banks may not be willing to lend their excess reserves. Conversely, a decline in excess reserves or the monetary base would not necessarily be contractionary if it occurred in the context of improving financial market conditions. A few of those who supported quantitative base or reserve targets did so because they saw them as helping to coordinate the actions of the Board of Governors, which is responsible for authorizing most special liquidity and lending facilities, and the Committee, which is responsible for open market operations. Most participants, however, were of the view that such coordination would best be achieved by continued close cooperation and consultation between the Committee and the Board. Going forward, consideration will be given to whether various quantitative measures would be useful in calibrating and communicating the stance of monetary policy.

Members debated how best to communicate their decisions regarding monetary policy actions. Since the large amount of excess reserves in the system would limit the Federal Reserve’s control over the federal funds rate, several members thought that it might be preferable not to set a specific target for the federal funds rate. Indeed, those members felt that lack of an explicit target could be helpful, in that it would focus attention on the shift in the policy framework from targeting the federal funds rate to the use of balance sheet policies and communications about monetary policy as a way of providing further monetary stimulus. A few members stressed that the absence of an explicit federal funds rate target would give banks added flexibility in pricing loans and deposits in the current environment of unusually low interest rates. However, other members noted that not announcing a target might confuse market participants and lead investors to believe that the Federal Reserve was unable to control the federal funds rate when it could, in fact, still influence the effective federal funds rate through adjustments of the interest rate on excess reserves and the primary credit rate. The members decided that it would be preferable for the Committee to communicate explicitly that it wanted federal funds to trade at very low rates; accordingly, the Committee decided to announce a target range for the federal funds rate of 0 to 1/4 percent. Members also agreed that the statement should indicate that weak economic conditions were likely to warrant exceptionally low levels of the federal funds rate for some time. The members emphasized that their expectation about the path of the federal funds rate was conditioned on their view of the likely path of economic activity.


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Fed Minutes


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Contraction for all of 2009 and core inflation to fall through 2010.

In the forecast prepared for the meeting, the staff revised down sharply its outlook for economic activity in 2009 but continued to project a moderate recovery in 2010. Real GDP appeared likely to decline substantially in the fourth quarter of 2008 as conditions in the labor market deteriorated more steeply than previously anticipated; the decline in industrial production intensified; consumer and business spending appeared to weaken; and financial conditions, on balance, continued to tighten. Rising unemployment, the declines in stock market wealth, low levels of consumer sentiment, weakened household balance sheets, and restrictive credit conditions were likely to continue to hinder household spending over the near term. Homebuilding was expected to contract further. Business expenditures were also likely to be held back by a weaker sales outlook and tighter credit conditions. Oil prices, which dropped significantly during the intermeeting period, were assumed to rise over the next two years in line with the path indicated by futures market prices, but to remain below the levels of October 2008. All told, real GDP was expected to fall much more sharply in the first half of 2009 than previously anticipated, before slowly recovering over the remainder of the year as the stimulus from monetary and assumed fiscal policy actions gained traction and the turmoil in the financial system began to recede. Real GDP was projected to decline for 2009 as a whole and to rise at a pace slightly above the rate of potential growth in 2010. Amid the weaker outlook for economic activity over the next year, the unemployment rate was likely to rise significantly into 2010, to a level higher than projected at the time of the October 28-29 FOMC meeting. The disinflationary effects of increased slack in resource utilization, diminished pressures from energy and materials prices, declines in import prices, and further moderate reductions in inflation expectations caused the staff to reduce its forecast for both core and overall PCE inflation. Core inflation was projected to slow considerably in 2009 and then to edge down further in 2010.

Policy..low for long plus nontraditional

They agreed that maintaining a low level of short-term interest rates and relying on the use of balance sheet policies and communications about monetary policy would be effective and appropriate in light of the sharp deterioration of the economic outlook and the appreciable easing of inflationary pressures. Maintaining that level of the federal funds rate implied a substantial further reduction in the target federal funds rate. Even with the additional use of nontraditional policies, the economic outlook would remain weak for a time and the downside risks to economic activity would be substantial. Moreover, inflation would continue to fall, reflecting both the drop in commodity prices that had already occurred and the buildup of economic slack; indeed some members saw significant risks that inflation could decline and persist for a time at uncomfortably low levels.

With some talk of abandoning a target altogether…

A few members stressed that the absence of an explicit federal funds rate target would give banks added flexibility in pricing loans and deposits in the current environment of unusually low interest rates. However, other members noted that not announcing a target might confuse market participants and lead investors to believe that the Federal Reserve was unable to control the federal funds rate when it could, in fact, still influence the effective federal funds rate through adjustments of the interest rate on excess reserves and the primary credit rate. The members decided that it would be preferable for the Committee to communicate explicitly that it wanted federal funds to trade at very low rates; accordingly, the Committee decided to announce a target range for the federal funds rate of 0 to 1/4 percent.


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2009-01-07 USER


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MBA Mortgage Applications (Jan 2)

Survey n/a
Actual -8.2%
Prior 0.0%
Revised n/a

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MBA Purchasing Applications (Jan 2)

Survey n/a
Actual 344.20
Prior 320.90
Revised n/a

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MBA Refinancing Applications (Jan 2)

Survey n/a
Actual 5904.50
Prior 6733.80
Revised n/a

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Challenger Job Cuts YoY (Dec)

Survey n/a
Actual 274.5%
Prior 148.4%
Revised n/a

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Challenger Job Cuts TABLE 1 (Dec)

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Challenger Job Cuts TABLE 2 (Dec)

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Challenger Job Cuts TABLE 3 (Dec)

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Challenger Job Cuts TABLE 4 (Dec)

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ADP Employment Change (Dec)

Survey -495K
Actual -693K
Prior -250K
Revised -476K

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ADP ALLX (Dec)


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ISM


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Karim writes:

Modest improvement from all-time lows

Anecdotals quite weak:

  • “Difficulties with consumer and equity loans resulting from economic slowing.” (Finance & Insurance)
  • “Business is holding steady in the economic downturn.” (Information)
  • “Sales are okay. Credit from suppliers is becoming an issue even with a perfect payment history. Everyone is scared. Prices for most materials declining rapidly.” (Agriculture, Forestry, Fishing & Hunting)
  • “State budgets being reduced, corporate clients cancelling training, and clients not acting swiftly on proposals have brought down the backlog and lowered expectations.” (Professional, Scientific & Technical Services)
  • “Efforts continue to ramp up to control/reduce spending.” (Management of Companies & Support Services)
  • “There has been an overall decline in business. There have been some price decreases as well. Overall capital spend is significantly lower.” (Accommodation & Food Services)

ISM

Dec. 2008. Nov. 2008
Index 40.6 37.3
Prices Paid 36.0 36.6
New Orders 39.9 35.4
Employment 34.7 31.3
Export Orders 39.5 34.5
Imports 32.5 40.0


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