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MOSLER'S LAW: There is no financial crisis so deep that a sufficiently large tax cut or spending increase cannot deal with it.

Archive for the 'Employment' Category


Employment

Posted by WARREN MOSLER on 5th March 2010


Karim writes:

Weather tough to gauge; 1mm missed work in Feb due to weather vs avg of 290k

BLS website saying you have to miss work for an entire pay period to not be counted on payrolls, and that ‘about half’ of all workers are on a bi-weekly pay period. All you can say about weather I think is that its impact on the number, whatever it is, is asymmetric. One of larger storms occurred during survey week of Feb 7-13. Census workers contributed 15k.

Other details that are positive:

  • Net revisions +35k almost offset drop in headline of -36k
  • UE rate stable at 9.687%, making it more and more likely we have peaked in UE rate
  • Diffusion index improves to 48 from 44.2
  • Part rate up to 64.8 (highest since November)
  • Median duration of unemployed down from 19.9 to 19.4 (lowest since October)

Negative details:

  • Hours worked -0.3%; but likely all due to weather
  • U6 UE rate measure (discouraged workers, working p-t but would rather work f-t, etc) up to 16.8% from 16.5%; but may also be related to hours situation last month.

We are likely to see more FOMC members embrace FRB Staff’s more optimistic forecast in the coming weeks.

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Posted in Employment | 1 Comment »

Non-Mfg ISM//Payrolls

Posted by WARREN MOSLER on 3rd March 2010


Karim writes:

All key components up; prices paid lower but still at high level.
Employment up 4pts and up 4.5pts relative to 6mth avg.

Hopefully, BLS can put a reasonable number on snowstorm impact on Friday.
Ex-snow and census workers, would look for +25-50k number.



Feb Jan
Composite 53.0 50.5
Activity 54.8 52.2
Prices paid 60.4 61.2
New Orders 55.0 54.7
Employment 48.6 44.6
Exports 47.0 46.0
Imports 48.5 47.0

WHAT RESPONDENTS ARE SAYING …

  • “Conditions for our business have substantially improved over the last three months.” (Information)
  • “We are proceeding with caution based upon the current market conditions.” (Public Administration)
  • “Business activity about the same as last month. Perhaps a slight increase in new orders for material and services — nothing major.” (Utilities)
  • “The overall unemployment and the net effect of housing [instability] continue to affect our business.” (Retail Trade)
  • “Business is okay. Customers are doing a lot of price shopping.” (Agriculture, Forestry, Fishing & Hunting)
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Posted in Employment | 1 Comment »

david walker okays deficits???!!!

Posted by WARREN MOSLER on 25th February 2010

>   
>   (email exchange)
>   
>   On Thu, Feb 25, 2010 at 12:54 PM, Roger wrote:
>   
>   am I reading this right?
>   
>   he seems to be admitting the difference between “structural” and nominal deficits, but
>   is still fixated on debt/GDP ratios, not to mention national “revenue”
>   
>   nevertheless, some progress is better than none, and ANY sign of movement is a
>   step in the right direction
>   

Agreed!

Looks like a serious chink in the armor of what used to be deficit terrorist #1???!!!

Address jobs now and deficits later

By LAWRENCE MISHEL & DAVID M. WALKER

Feb. 24 (Politico) — President Barack Obama is in a difficult position when it comes to deficits. Today’s high deficits will have to go even higher to help address unemployment. At the same time, many Americans are increasingly concerned about escalating deficits and debt. What’s a president to do?

The answer, from a policy perspective, is not that hard: A focus on jobs now is consistent with addressing our deficit problems ahead.

The difficulty is that many politicians and news organizations often cast deficit debates as a dichotomy: You either care about them or you don’t.

But this is rarely accurate. The fact that the two of us, who have philosophical differences on the proper role of government, find much to agree on about deficits is a testament to the importance of dropping this useless dichotomy and finally talking about deficits in a reasonable way.

As in every economic downturn, federal revenues have fallen steeply because individuals and corporations earn less in a recession. High unemployment also results in higher expenditures for safety net programs, like Medicaid, unemployment benefits and food stamps.

Not surprisingly then, a huge recession can yield a huge deficit. Efforts to put people back to work and help restore the economy, like the recovery package passed last February, can also increase short-term deficits.

Though a concern, most of the recent short-term rise in the deficit is understandable. Furthermore, public spending can help compensate for the fall in private spending, and help stem the pain of substantial job losses.

With more than a fifth of the work force expected to be unemployed or underemployed in 2010, there is an economic and a moral imperative to take action. Persistently high unemployment drives poverty up, makes it harder for families to find decent housing, increases family stress and, ultimately, harms children’s educational achievement. For young workers entering the workforce, the current jobs crisis reduces the amount they will earn over their lifetime.

In deep recessions, businesses tend to make fewer critical investments in research and development that can improve our economy’s productive capacity over the long term. Entrepreneurs usually find credit hard to obtain if they want to start a new business. These factors hurt U.S. global competitiveness and growth potential.

That’s why we agree that job creation must be a short-term priority. Job creation plans must be targeted so we can get the greatest return on investment. They must be timely, creating jobs this year and next. And they must be big enough to substantially fill the enormous jobs hole we’re in. They must also be temporary — affecting the deficit only in the next couple of years, without exacerbating our large and growing structural deficits in later years.

Funding key investment and infrastructure projects to promote economic growth and offering a job creation tax credit are among the policy ideas that meet all these standards. In addition, temporarily renewing extended unemployment benefits can lead to more jobs throughout the economy.
But these problems, and the resulting short-term deficits they cause, should not be confused with the primary deficit challenge facing our nation: structural deficits. These deficits are projected to exist in coming years — even when the country is at peace, even when the economy is growing, even when unemployment falls.

Specifically, the deficit could approach an already unsustainable 6 percent of gross domestic product 10 years from now, and will continue to rise thereafter.

While we address our short-term unemployment challenges, we must also immediately establish a path to address our large, and growing, structural deficits.

The Congressional Budget Office projects that after the economy has returned to full employment, spending will still substantially outstrip revenues. Over time, Medicare and Medicaid will be the key drivers of these structural deficits. This is primarily because these programs’ costs tend to mirror overall cost increases for health care, which have risen much faster than overall economic growth for decades, but also because of demographic changes.

Our nation’s fiscal picture will darken further with the passage of time, especially if interest rates increase.

These structural deficits are too substantial to close the gap without addressing both sides of the ledger: spending and revenues.

In doing so, it is important to distinguish critical and effective programs and tax policies from outdated and ineffective ones.

We must be careful to maintain the type of public investments that can help fuel broad-based economic growth while strengthening the safety net for our most vulnerable populations. And we should take into account growing retirement insecurity as employer pension systems erode and personal savings falter.

People should be able to count on government benefits they are promised. It is, therefore, critical that federal benefit and funding levels be reconciled.

None of this will be easy — not the policy or the politics. It will require hard choices, and an extraordinary process to engage the American people and to make recommendations to the Congress on budget controls, spending cuts and revenue increases.

Getting the deficit under control cannot be accomplished by simply ending “waste, fraud and abuse,” stopping all foreign aid or exiting Iraq and Afghanistan. Substantial progress could be made though by ending the tax cuts of 2001 and 2003, or paying for their extension through spending reductions. In the end, Congress must step up to the plate, not just with hearings, but with votes.

For all the disagreement in Washington, we both know that, like us, there are many who see the critical importance of addressing these challenges. We must accept higher deficits in the short-term in order to put people back to work.

At the same time, we must take immediate steps to agree on a path and a process for reducing the structural deficits that lie ahead.

In a town of division, this is one area where we need a real consensus now.

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Posted in Employment, Government Spending, Inflation, Interest Rates | 69 Comments »

Bernanke testimony

Posted by WARREN MOSLER on 24th February 2010


Karim writes:

Generally more upbeat on economic conditions….the ‘2 Es’ remain, but adds high-profile qualifier ‘ALTHOUGH’…watching Q&A

Final Demand
Private final demand does seem to be growing at a moderate pace, buoyed in part by a general improvement in financial conditions. In particular, consumer spending has recently picked up, reflecting gains in real disposable income and household wealth and tentative signs of stabilization in the labor market. Business investment in equipment and software has risen significantly. And international trade–supported by a recovery in the economies of many of our trading partners–is rebounding from its deep contraction of a year ago. However, starts of single-family homes, which rose noticeably this past spring, have recently been roughly flat, and commercial construction is declining sharply, reflecting poor fundamentals and continued difficulty in obtaining financing.

Credit
The improvement in financial markets that began last spring continues. Conditions in short-term funding markets have returned to near pre-crisis levels. Many (mostly larger) firms have been able to issue corporate bonds or new equity and do not seem to be hampered by a lack of credit. In contrast, bank lending continues to contract, reflecting both tightened lending standards and weak demand for credit amid uncertain economic prospects.

Jobs
Some recent indicators suggest the deterioration in the labor market is abating: Job losses have slowed considerably, and the number of full-time jobs in manufacturing rose modestly in January. Initial claims for unemployment insurance have continued to trend lower, and the temporary services industry, often considered a bellwether for the employment outlook, has been expanding steadily since October. Notwithstanding these positive signs, the job market remains quite weak, with the unemployment rate near 10 percent and job openings scarce.

FF Rate
Although the federal funds rate is likely to remain exceptionally low for an extended period, as the expansion matures, the Federal Reserve will at some point need to begin to tighten monetary conditions to prevent the development of inflationary pressures.

Sequencing
Of course, the sequencing of steps and the combination of tools that the Federal Reserve uses as it exits from its currently very accommodative policy stance will depend on economic and financial developments.

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Posted in Credit, Employment, Interest Rates | No Comments »

Fed’s Lockhard on Reuters

Posted by WARREN MOSLER on 22nd February 2010

Latest tsy tips results indicate ‘contained inflation expectations’ as well.

I still have that nagging feeling that the 0 rate policy is highly deflationary and without some supply shock, like a spike in crude prices, prices in general will remain weak.

The weak core CPI and high unemployment rate continues to keep a lot of daylight between current conditions and the Fed’s dual mandate.

And the discount rate hike shows an ongoing lack of understanding of their own monetary arrangements.

Up until a few years ago the discount rate was kept a bit below the fed funds rate, which facilitated easier control of the fed funds rate.

This policy changed in a misguided effort to make the discount rate a ‘penalty’ rate which is a throwback to a fixed fx/gold standard paradigm and is entirely inapplicable with our current non convertible currency and floating fx.

All they’ve done by raising the discount rate is make it a bit more problematic to control the fed funds rate should technicals cause a system wide reserve deficiency.

Putting a penalty rate in for solvent banks (the FDIC is charged with removing insolvent banks) having funding difficulties is a throwback to the long discredited and illogical notion of using the liability side of banking for market discipline.

for more detail click here

Subject: Fed’s Lockhard on Reuters

Front end USTs getting very well bid on the back of these comments…

10:11 19Feb10 RTRS-FED’S LOCKHART -

FED PAYING CLOSE ATTENTION TO INFLATION EXPECATIONS

10:13 19Feb10 RTRS-

FED’S LOCKHART - MARKET BELIEF IN HIGH PROBABILITY OF RATE RISE THIS YEAR “OVERBLOWN”

10:14 19Feb10 RTRS-

FED’S LOCKHART - CURRENT POLICY STANCE MORE LIKELY TO EXTEND INTO NEXT YEAR

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Posted in Employment, Fed, Inflation | 11 Comments »

Warren on CNBC

Posted by WARREN MOSLER on 16th February 2010


[Skip to the end]





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Posted in Bonds, China, Deficit, Employment, GDP, Political, Valance | 103 Comments »

low wage workers hit hardest by the recession

Posted by WARREN MOSLER on 13th February 2010

Fits annecdotally with the macro statistics that showed real GDP up 5.7% in Q4 while unemployment also went up.

Nothing that a full payroll tax holiday in Q3 08 wouldn’t have prevented.

This is not what the administration was hoping for, but it is the result of their policies.

‘No Labor Market Recession For America’s Affluent,’ Low-Wage Workers Hit Hardest: STUDY

By Ryan McCarthy

Feb. 10 (Huffington Post) —It’s truly been a tale of two unemployment crises.

Though the national unemployment rate dipped slightly in January to 9.7 percent, a new study suggests that not only have low-income workers been the hardest hit by the jobs crisis — but, shockingly, there has been “no labor market recession for America’s affluent.”

The study from Andrew Sum, Ishwar Khatiwada and Sheila Palma at Northeastern University’s Center for Labor Market Studies suggests that the unemployment problem is largely a problem for low-wage workers (hat tip to the Curious Capitalist).

From the study:

At the end of calendar year 2009, as the national economy was recovering from the recession of 2007-2009, workers in different segments of the income distribution clearly found themselves in radically different labor market conditions. A true labor market depression faced those in the bottom two deciles of the income distribution, a deep labor market recession prevailed among those in the middle of the distribution, and close to a full employment environment prevailed at the top. There was no labor market recession for America’s affluent.

At the New York Times, Bob Herbert delved into the study and noted, “The point here is that those in the lower-income groups are in a much, much deeper hole than the general commentary on the recession would lead people to believe.” Here’s more from Herbert:

The highest group, with household incomes of $150,000 or more, had an unemployment rate during that quarter of 3.2 percent. The next highest, with incomes of $100,000 to 149,999, had an unemployment rate of 4 percent.

Contrast those figures with the unemployment rate of the lowest group, which had annual household incomes of $12,499 or less. The unemployment rate of that group during the fourth quarter of last year was a staggering 30.8 percent. That’s more than five points higher than the overall jobless rate at the height of the Depression.

According to the study, approximately 50 percent of households in the bottom decile of American income distribution are underemployed; in the second lowest decile, 37 percent of households can’t find enough work. The authors write: “These extraordinarily high rates of labor underutilization among these two income groups would have to be classified as symbolic of a True Great Depression.”

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Posted in Employment, GDP, Government Spending | 3 Comments »

Dallas address

Posted by WARREN MOSLER on 4th February 2010


[Skip to the end]

This is the text of the address I gave at Dallas.

Will be repeating it in a northern Va meeting next weekend.

Still waiting for the video.

Feel free to distribute.

How tea party democrats can run successfully in the primaries

Honesty in government is a core value of the Tea Party movement and the most basic value in any representative democracy. Accordingly, my first proposal is that all candidates for public office be sworn in: ‘I solemnly swear to tell the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, so help me God.’ As a consequence, any subsequent lies are perjury, and punishable by law.

I am here to discuss how I believe Tea Party Democrats can win in upcoming Democratic primaries. The answer is to emulate and extend the success of the Tea Party movement by getting back to basics. The Democratic party is the party of Jefferson and Jackson. The founders believed that the public voice should be heard. They believed in limited government. And they never kowtowed to special interests or cowered before purveyors of the conventional wisdom. This means Tea Party Democrats should be running against the Obama administration’s policies which are counter to both traditional Democratic values and Tea Party values.

It is the Washington elite that have moved away from the ideals of Jefferson and Jackson with policies that are, at best, regressive, elitist, and destructive to our quality of life. For example, with unemployment rising, real wage growth falling, and GDP now growing at over 5%, who’s getting all that increase in real goods and services?

Not the millions who voted Democratic who are losing their jobs and their homes, and watching wages fall even as their cost of living goes up. All that real wealth being created is instead rising to the top, due to impossible trickle down policies that would have made even Reagan blush.

The large majority of Americans that elected this administration did not do so to enrich the bankers, insurance executives, drug companies, and union leaders at the expense of the rest of us, in a perversion of true core Democratic values. But it’s clearly happening as even a blind man can see. And all because they don’t understand the monetary system, how and why government spends and taxes, and why we don’t owe China anything more than a bank statement.

I will devote most of the rest of my time talking about the economy. In part, that is because it is my area of expertise, given that I have spent most of my adult life in financial markets. But the most important reason is it is in that arena that the Washington elite have failed us the most. The so-called economic experts have confused themselves and their political masters with contrived explanations for the way the economy works. Their limited vision has limited the range of policy choice. And the result has been a monumental economic disaster and human tragedy.

My first proposal for the economy encompasses both the Tea Party and traditional Democratic values of limited government, fiscal responsibility, and reliance on competitive markets. Working through the logic of this proposal will show both how this straightforward government policy can work, and how convoluted is the elite’s understanding of finance.

I believe that the surest engine for full economic recovery is a full payroll tax holiday. Payroll taxes take away over 15% of everyone’s paycheck, from the very first dollar earned. This is big money- about $1 trillion per year. Half comes from the employee and half from the employer. A payroll tax holiday does not give anyone anything. What it does is stop taking away $1 trillion a year from working people struggling to make their payments and stay in their homes, and businesses struggling to survive. A full payroll tax holiday means a husband and wife earning $50,000 a year each will see their combined take home pay go up by over $650 a month, so they can make their mortgage payments and their car payments and maybe even do a little shopping.

This fixes the banks and fixes the economy, from what I call the bottom up. It fixes the banks without giving them anything more than people who can afford to make their payments. That’s all they need to remain viable.

And what all businesses need most to expand output and employment is people with spending money who can buy their products. Without people to buy goods and services, nothing happens. The payroll tax holiday also means there is also a big reduction in expenses for business. With competitive markets this means lower prices, which also helps consumers, helps keep inflation down, helps businesses compete domestically and in world markets to help optimize our real terms of trade, and helps keep the currency stable as the dollar is ultimately worth what it can buy. So with the payroll tax holiday we get a dramatic increase in economic activity, rising employment in good jobs, and better prices. And we’ll see millions of new jobs, because, again, what business needs most is people with money to buy their products. Then they hire and expand.

What I don’t see is how any self respecting Democrat can allow this tax to stand for a single moment. It is the most regressive, punishing tax we’ve ever had. It starts from the first dollar earned with a cap at $106,800 per year. It’s an utter disgrace to the Democratic party. It should be immediately eliminated. Yet, instead, the Washington Democratic elite are actually discussing increasing it.

Let’s now back up and review how we got to where we are at this moment in time. Headline unemployment is unthinkably high at 10%, and if you count workers who have given up looking for a full time job, it’s over 17%. As you all know, it’s about the financial crisis. The banks got in trouble when their loans went bad. Well, what makes a loan go bad? Only one thing- people who can’t make their payments. If people make their payments, the loans are AAA. If people don’t make their payments the loans are junk and toxic waste. No matter what the security is- a loan, a cmo, cdo, clo, or whatever, it’s all the same. If people are making their loan payments there is no financial crisis. Unfortunately, instead of attacking the problem from the bottom up with a payroll tax holiday, we have an administration that thinks it first needs to fix the financial sector from the top down, before the real economy can improve. This is completely upside down. But the elites believe it, so that’s what they have done to us.

So starting with President Bush, and supported by both Senators McCain and Obama, they funded the financial sector with trillions, while they kept taking away trillions from people working for a living who couldn’t make their payments.

How does that help anyone make their payments, apart from a few bankers? It doesn’t.

What happened for the next year and a half? The banks muddled through, profits and bonuses returned, but unemployment skyrocketed and is still going up, loan delinquencies and defaults and foreclosures skyrocketed and are still going up, and millions of Americans still can’t make their payments and are losing their homes. And a lot of the money the banks are making on federal support is being drained by continuing loan losses. We are getting nowhere as tens of millions of lives are being destroyed by policy makers who simply don’t understand how the monetary system works.

This has been a trickle down policy where nothing has trickled down, because there is no connection between funding the banks, and the incomes of people trying to make their payments. The answer, of course, is instead of giving trillions to the banks, to simply stop taking away trillions from people still working for a living. The government doesn’t even have to give us anything, just stop taking away the trillion dollars a year of payroll taxes with a full payroll tax holiday.

But then there’s the nagging question of ‘how are we going to pay for it? Aren’t we just going to have to borrow more money from China and leave it for our children to pay back? And if it doesn’t work, then where are we, another trillion in debt with nothing to show for it?’
And, in fact the failure to understand that question of ‘how are you going to pay for it’ is exactly what has set the Democratic party, and the nation, on the current path of economic ruin. Therefore, to run successfully against the Democrats who support current policy it is critical you understand what I’m going to say next. This understanding is the basis for achieving our core values of limited government and lower taxes. And what I’m about to tell you is pure, undisputable fact, and not theory or philosophy.

So let me start by examining exactly how government spends at what’s called the operational level. In other words, exactly how does government spend? And this is for the federal government, not the State and local government, who are in much the same position as you and I are. Well, when the federal government spends, it simply changes numbers up in bank accounts. Last May Fed Chairman Bernanke answered Congressman Pelley’s question about where the money comes from that the banks are getting. Bernanke told him the banks have accounts at the Fed and the Fed simply ‘marks them up’- changes the numbers in their bank accounts.

• (PELLEY) Is that tax money that the Fed is spending?
• (BERNANKE) It’s not tax money. The banks have– accounts with the Fed, much the same way that you have an account in a commercial bank. So, to lend to a bank, we simply use the computer to mark up the size of the account that they have with the Fed.

The Chairman is exactly right. All government spending is simply a matter of changing numbers upward in our bank accounts. It doesn’t come from anywhere. Just like when you kick a field goal and get 3 points. Where does the stadium get those points? Right, they don’t come from anywhere. It’s just scorekeeping. And that’s exactly how government actually pays for anything.

All it ever does, and ever can do when it spends, is mark up numbers in bank accounts, as the Fed Chairman told us. And with online banking you can actually watch it happen. When a government payment hits your account you can actually watch as the numbers change upward on your computer screen. And notice I’ve never mentioned China or anyone else in this spending process. They are simply not involved. Spending is done by changing numbers higher in our bank accounts. What China does or doesn’t do has nothing to do with this process. Again, this is not some theory or philosophy. It’s simply how it actually works. I’ve been there, I’ve seen it. I grew up on the money desk at Banker’s Trust on Wall St. in the 70’s, and I visit the Fed regularly and discuss monetary operations. I know exactly how it all works.

Now let’s look at how government taxes. And keep in mind what any Congressman will tell you- we have to get money from taxing or borrowing to be able to spend it.
Well, with modern on line banking you can watch what happens when a tax is paid. Suppose you have $5,000 in your bank account and you write a check to the government for $1,000 to pay your taxes. What happens? You can see it on your computer screen. The number 5,000 changes into the number 4,000. The number 5 changes to the number 4. All the government did is change the number in your bank account. They didn’t ‘get’ anything. No gold coins dropped into a box at the Fed. Yes, they account for it, which means they keep track of what they do, but they don’t actually get anything that they give to anyone. The man at the IRS simply changes numbers down in our bank accounts when he collects taxes. And, if you pay your taxes with actual cash, they give you a receipt, and then shred it. How does taking your cash and shredding it pay for anything? It doesn’t. Taxes don’t give the government anything to use to make payments.

So the absolute fact of the matter is, the government never has nor doesn’t have dollars. It taxes by changing numbers down, but doesn’t get anything. It spends by changing numbers up and doesn’t use up anything. Government can’t ‘run out of money’ like our President has repeated many times. There isn’t anything to run out of. It’s just data entry, it’s score keeping. And it has nothing to do with China, which I’ll get to shortly.

So why then does the government tax at all? To control our spending power, which economists call aggregate demand. If the government didn’t tax us at all and let us spend all the money we earn, and government spent all the money it wanted to spend, the result would be a lot of inflation, caused by more spending then there are real goods and services for sale. Too much spending power chasing too few goods and services is a sure way to drive up prices. So the purpose of taxes is to regulate the economy. If the economy is too hot, taxes can be raised to cool it down. If the economy is too cold, as it obviously is today, taxes should be cut to warm it up back to operating temperature.

Taxes are like the thermostat. When it gets too hot or too cold you adjust it. It’s not about collecting revenues, there is no such thing, government never has nor doesn’t have any dollars, it just changes numbers up and down in our bank accounts. It’s all about looking at the economy and deciding whether it’s too hot or too cold, and then making an adjustment.

So, given all this, just what does ‘fiscal responsibility’ mean?
Fiscal responsibility means not overtaxing us to the point we are at today with record unemployment. And Fiscal Responsibility means not spending so much or taxing so little that the economy ‘overheats’ and inflation becomes a problem. That’s what fiscal responsibility means. That’s all it means. The government is responsible for getting the economy right, and the monetary system, including taxation, is a tool for that job.
Taxation is a tool to get the economy right.

So where does China and borrowing come into the picture? To be a successful Tea Party Democrat you will have to understand this and be able to explain it.
So first, how does China get its dollars? It sells things to us and gets paid for them.

And where does China keep its dollars? In a bank account at the Federal Reserve Bank which they call a reserve account. It’s nothing more than a checking account with a fancy name. And why does China buy Treasury securities? To earn a bit more interest.

And what is a Treasury security? It is nothing more than a savings account at the Federal Reserve Bank with a fancy name. And just like any other savings account at any other bank, with a Treasury security you give the Federal Reserve Bank money, and you get it back plus interest. So when China buys a Treasury security, what happens? The Fed moves their funds- the money they earned from selling things to us- from their checking account at the Fed to their savings account at the Fed.

And what happens when those Treasury securities- savings accounts- come due? How do we pay off China? The Fed just moves the funds from China’s savings account at the Fed back to their checking account at the Fed, and makes the number a little higher to include the interest. That’s it. Debt paid. And our children will continue to do this just like our fathers did before us. None of this involves what we call government spending. When government spends to buy something or pay someone else, it just ‘marks up’- as Chairman Bernanke put it- numbers in bank accounts. China’s bank accounts at the Fed are not involved. So why is this administration kowtowing to China on everything from Korea to human rights? And why do we go over there, thinking they are our government’s bankers, worried about getting their money to spend on everything from health care to Afghanistan, when there is no such thing as the US government getting money to spend? Why? There is only one reason. This administration does not understand the monetary system. They reason the Democrats are against a payroll tax holiday is because they think they need those actual revenues to support their spending.

So yes, we are grossly overtaxed and that’s what’s causing the sky high unemployment and the failed economy, as well as the ongoing banking crisis. And fiscal responsibility means setting taxes at the right level to sustain our spending power- not to hot and not too cold, but just right for optimal output and employment and price stability, and a return to prosperity.

And this brings up the next question, which is how to determine the right size of government. First, tax revenues don’t tell us anything about that. Taxing is just changing numbers down. It doesn’t give us anything to spend. Spending is changing numbers up; there is no numerical limit to spending.

So how do we decide how much government we want if the money doesn’t tell us anything? We do it on a very practical level. For example, when it comes to the military we need to ask ourselves, how many soldiers do we need to defend ourselves? How many planes, boats, tanks, and missiles do we need? The more we need, the more people we take who could be in the private sector producing real private sector goods and services, including doctors and nurses, teachers and teaching assistants, scientists and engineers, etc. etc. The military also uses up real resources like oil and steel. That’s the real cost of the military- how many people and resources it takes away from productive private sector activity.

What is the right size for the legal system? That depends on how long you want to wait for a court date, or for a decision. If the process is too slow, we may need more people working there, or we may need better technology. And again, the more people in government, the fewer there are to work in the private sector.

Once we have decided on the ‘right size’ of government, and pay for it by changing numbers up in people’s bank accounts when government spends, we have to decide the right amount to tax to keep the economy not too hot and not too cold, but just right. My educated guess would be, in a normal economy, to start with taxes that are less then spending by about 5% of GDP, if history is any guide. If I’m wrong taxes can either be lowered or raised to get it right. And when government spends more than it taxes- when it changes numbers up more than it changes down- we call that difference the budget deficit.

And when government changes more numbers changed up than down, the economy has exactly that many more dollars in it, which adds exactly that much to the savings of the economy. In fact, in US National Income Accounting, as taught in economics 101, the government deficit equals the total savings of financial assets in the rest of the economy, to the penny. Yes, deficits add to our monetary savings, to the penny. And everyone I’ve talked to in the Congressional Budget Office knows it. And it’s just common sense as well that if government changes numbers up in our bank accounts more than it changes them down, we have exactly that many more dollars.

Let me add one more thing about the size of government. It makes no sense to me to grow the size of the government just because the economy is too cold, if we already have the right sized government. And if we don’t have the right sized government we should immediately get it right, and then adjust taxes if the economy is too hot or too cold.
With this grasp of the fundamentals of taxing, spending, and the size of government, a Tea Party Democrat is well armed to take on the Democratic establishment that’s overtaxing us, driving up unemployment to today’s record levels, destroying our economy and standard of living, and arbitrarily growing government as well.

Conclusions:

Tea Party Democrats have a unique opportunity to be a part of history and overturn the ideas the current administration is employing that are, at best, regressive, elitist, and destructive to our quality of life.

With unemployment rising, real wage growth falling, and GDP now growing at about 4%, who’s getting that increased GDP? Not the millions who voted Democratic who are losing their jobs and their homes, and watching their wages fall. That real wealth being created is instead rising to the top, due to the Obama administration’s impossible trickle down policies. This administration was not elected to enrich the bankers, insurance executives, drug companies, and union leaders at the expense of the rest of us, in a perversion of true core Democratic values. But it’s clearly happening, and all because they don’t understand the monetary system, the don’t understand how and why government spends and taxes, and the don’t understand why we don’t owe China anything more than a bank statement.

The door is wide open for an enlightened, populist Democrat to lead the way to a new era of unsurpassed national prosperity.


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Posted in China, Currencies, Deficit, Employment, Fed, GDP, Government Spending, Interest Rates, Obama, Political, Tea Party | 17 Comments »

NACM’s Credit Managers’ Index Economic Report for January 2010

Posted by WARREN MOSLER on 2nd February 2010


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Agreed. Makes for a good stock environment.

And unemployment could even fall towards 8% which would be considered a victory
due to our absurdly low expectations.

Critical Manufacturing Improvements Lead Credit Managers’ Index Jump in January

Columbia, Maryland: February 1, 2010—The latest data is starting to turn in a decidedly positive direction; GDP numbers are the best in over a year and a half, suggesting that the recession is in clear retreat. After a mild recovery in the third quarter, numbers jumped 5.8% in the fourth. The bulk of this growth is attributed to manufacturers starting to replenish inventories, mostly since the beginning of December. This shift in strategy is reflected in the Credit Managers’ Index (CMI) numbers as well. “The jump in manufacturing was stark and unexpected and, since the decline registered in the last iteration of the index, there has been a major leap in some critical areas,” said Chris Kuehl, Ph.D., economist for the National Association of Credit Management (NACM). “The combined CMI saw a jump from 52.9 to 55.1, which is impressive enough, but the real movement came from the manufacturing side,” he said. Reinforcing the message coming from the economy as a whole, the manufacturing sector jumped from 52.1 to 55.1, reversing the trend from the December index when the sector stagnated and slipped in terms of positive factors.

There was an improved atmosphere in both manufacturing and service sectors resulting with the most activity in the combined index’s favorable factors, specifically sales and new credit applications. Sales in the combined index jumped from 56.7 to 60.7, marking the first time this figure has been above 60 in 18 months. There was also progress in new credit applications—a jump from 54.2 to 57—signaling movement in the credit sector despite ongoing issues in the financial community. One of the biggest leaps came from dollar collections, which sported readings in the 40s just nine months ago and is now at 61.3. The same pattern can be seen in amount of credit extended, now standing at 58.8 after sitting in the 40s just five months ago.

“The past pattern in the index suggests that this is developing into a classic recession exit,” said Kuehl. “The deterioration of inventory and the dramatic reduction in capacity utilization meant that any spark of demand would propel business out of this predicament and, as in past recessions, the months following the end of these strategies would show substantial growth. The trillion-dollar question is whether this growth surge can be maintained throughout the rest of the year.”

Thus far, these are the highest numbers seen in the index since February 2009 when the initial impetus of the recession was broken. Since then, growth has been even, but not dramatic. That trend of slow growth is likely to return, but the suggestion from this month’s data is that there will be pretty substantial gains for the bulk of the first quarter.

The service sector was not as dramatic as the manufacturing sector, but there was growth. The same factors seemed to be at work—increased sales and expanded availability of money. In both sectors there has been some improvement in terms of the number of accounts placed for collection and the number of disputes, and there has been a fairly steady decline in the number of bankruptcies as well. All in all, the CMI numbers of the last few months signal that business is attempting to catch up and position itself for the growth that has now finally arrived.

Manufacturing Sector

A pattern appears each time there is a recession and, in this downturn, that pattern has been as visible as it was during the recessions of the early 1970s and 1980s. The strategy employed by most companies in the face of financial strain is to reduce costs to the barest of minimums, which involves slashing the workforce, postponing or eliminating capital expenditures and reducing inventory to the lowest possible level. The CMI’s figures on capacity utilization reflect this strategy as they have fallen to levels not seen since the depths of the 1980s double-dip recession. The strategy for retailers was as extreme as it has ever been—betting that the consumer would grab whatever they could find during the holiday season—and the effort seemed to work, as the retailers managed to pull off a decent December in spite of the limited offerings. On the manufacturing side, this inventory reduction was extreme and extended such that by the end of the year supply was dangerously low, especially if one wanted to hang onto market share when recovery arrived.

“For two months, the CMI told a story. The number of disputes fell, dollars out for collection declined and so did almost all the factors that indicated debt was going unpaid,” said Kuehl. He further commented that the process of catching up on that debt was the first step toward returning inventory levels, and companies that needed to buy raw materials for production had to get current with their creditors, a process that began in earnest in November and in some cases as early as October. By December, the purchasing had officially started. The evidence of this recovery was noticeable in other sectors as well. The first transportation sector that would see gains when factories started back up was rail and, sure enough, freight volumes started to climb in the rail sector in November and have been climbing steadily ever since.

It is far too early to assert that manufacturing has finally escaped the ravages of this recession, but the first stage is underway. The boost provided by the need to replenish inventory has already helped to stabilize some of the metals prices and has resulted in renewed activity in everything from transportation to warehousing. The next step in the recovery will be for consumer demand to draw down this newly-established inventory and necessitate its replacement. This has yet to develop, but there are some hopeful signs. For the moment, the good news lies in the future, reflected in the manufacturing index by jumps in sales as well as amount of credit extended.

Service Sector

There was less dramatic movement in the service sector, but progress was registered nonetheless. The increase in sales was notable, although not as significant as in manufacturing this month. What is good to see is the index has crested above 60 in both new credit applications and dollar collections. Kuehl noted that it was only four or five months ago that both of these factors had readings in the 40s and, a year ago, new credit applications was in the 30s. The credit squeeze has certainly not ended, but there is more available now than there has been for almost 18 months. The system has not returned to the profligate ways of the last decade, but that is likely a good thing. The old-school thinking that used to dominate the banks and financial institutions seems to have made a bit of a comeback, which is now freeing up credit for those that are traditionally creditworthy.

“Unfortunately, the most noteworthy aspect of the service numbers was that the negative factors did not shrink as much as hoped, only letting the combined index of unfavorable factors drop from 52 to 51.9—a very small decline, and not the strong positive trend seen in manufacturing,” said Kuehl. The prime reason for this slowdown seems to be more accounts placed for collection than last month, attributable to the fact that many retail operations did not manage to escape the Christmas season unscathed. This pattern occurs every year as the holiday shopping season is make-or-break for retail and there are always casualties of consumer tastes and preferences. Still, more retailers went into this year’s season weaker than in the past and some did not make it, and these troubled accounts will likely add to the number of bankruptcies in months to come.

January 2010 vs. January 2009

The contrast between January 2009 and January 2010 is stark and the distance between the two is likely as broad as it will be for some time. It was a year ago that the recession reached its deepest point and the index showed numbers buried in the 40s. Now the index has climbed into solid expansion territory and is well into the mid 50s. It is not likely that this trajectory will be maintained indefinitely as there are still questions about how fast consumers will start to draw down new inventory, but there is also not much that would suggest a major decline at this point.

About the National Association of Credit Management

The National Association of Credit Management (NACM), headquartered in Columbia, Maryland, supports approximately 19,000 business credit and financial professionals worldwide with premier industry services, tools and information. NACM and its network of Affiliated Associations are the leading resource for credit and financial management information and education, delivering products and services, which improve the management of business credit and accounts receivable. NACM’s collective voice has influenced legislative results concerning commercial business and trade credit to our nation’s policy makers for more than 100 years, and continues to play an active part in legislative issues pertaining to business credit and corporate bankruptcy.

This report, complete with tables and graphs, and the CMI archives may be viewed at http://web.nacm.org/cmi/cmi.asp.


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Posted in Credit, Emerging Markets, Employment, GDP | 1 Comment »

ISM/PMI

Posted by WARREN MOSLER on 1st February 2010


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Karim writes:

Shocker is employment component of Chicago PMI
->up from 47.6 to 59.8; was at 38.1 in October.

ISM employment component has been above 50 for the past 3mths but hasn’t translated into real job gwth.

Full Chicago details:



Jan Dec
Activity 61.5 58.7
Prices paid 66.2 55.6
Production 66.6 64.2
New Orders 66.4 64.4
Order backlogs 54.3 52.0
Inventories 48.7 38.6
Employment 59.8 47.6

  • Final Michigan Survey up to 74.4 from 72.8 prelim and 72.5 in Dec
  • 5-10yr inflation expectations up to 2.9% from 2.8%


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Posted in Employment | No Comments »

the President’s speech and markets

Posted by WARREN MOSLER on 29th January 2010


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The speech made it clear there has been a shift to ‘fiscal responsibility’ with plans to pay back the 2 trillion in new debt, all well down the road. The spending freeze will pay half of it over time, and the rest from less specified sources that included tax increases for people making over 250,000, banks, etc. The health care plan is also supposed to reduce the deficit and paygo may be back.

And no additional fiscal relaxation of consequence apart from the current jobs bill working its way through congress.

The jobs initiatives mentioned were minor.

And rather than come up with a way for congressman inherently uncooperative due to the current institutional structure, there was simply a call for them to somehow act in the public interest.

So it looks like the economy is on its own for the most part, with an agonizingly slow and irregular recovery, and neither side coming up with substantially better ideas.

This isn’t a bad environment for stocks, as there’s nothing to suggest negative earnings shocks, and productivity gains can keep supporting at least modest earnings growth, and high unemployment helps keep down costs, and helps keep interest rates low which helps valuations.

The announced export push would be a negative for our standard of living and real terms of trade, but pretty good for stocks as well.

And clearly there’s nothing more the Fed can do, as it’s becoming increasingly clear the moves they have already made have had no positive impact on aggregate demand. They have only restored ‘market functioning.’

Removing some of their liquidity measures does mean there’s again a chance the pressures will appear in libor settings if something starts shaking the tree.

Like Greece, or Iran, or something like that.

Each time the President speaks I’m hoping for some meaningful new ideas but have yet to hear any.

But, again, not a bad environment for stocks, and interest rate forwards continue to look reasonably cheap as well, particularly as concerns about QE and 0 rates as causes of inflation subside.


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Posted in Banking, Economic Releases, Employment, Government Spending | 5 Comments »

Tea Party Plan for Dems- Cut to the Front with Tax Cuts

Posted by WARREN MOSLER on 28th January 2010


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Tea Party Plan for Democrats — Cut to the Front with Tax Cuts

At Saturday’s Tea Party conference in Dallas I’ll be outlining how Tea Party Democrats can run against Obama administration policies that are counter to both Tea Party and traditional Democratic values. It is the Washington elite that have moved away from the ideals of Jefferson and Jackson with policies that are, at best, regressive, elitist, and destructive to our quality of life. And who’s benefiting? Not the millions who voted Democratic who are losing their jobs and their homes. And with GDP now moving higher while unemployment rises, all that additional wealth is flowing up to the top. This Democratic President and Congress was not elected to enrich the bankers, insurance executives, drug companies, and union leaders at the expense of the rest of us, in a perversion of true core Democratic values. Unfortunately, the so-called economic experts have confused themselves and their political masters with contrived explanations for the way the economy works, and their limited vision has limited the range of policy choice. The result has been a monumental economic and social disaster caused by an obvious shortage of aggregate demand. The spending power needed to make mortgage payments, car payments, and do a bit of shopping- all of which would fix the economy and end the financial crisis- just isn’t there.

The answer is a full payroll tax holiday, where the US Treasury would make all FICA payments for both employees and employers that regressively remove 15% of every pay check from dollar one up to $106,800 of income. The take home pay of a husband and wife with a combined income of $100,000 per year would increase by over $650 a month, and quickly restore output and employment. Rather than funding the banks from the top down with an improbable trickle down theory that would have made Reagan blush, this tax cut restores the incomes necessary to support all economic activity from the bottom up. Instead of funding the financial sector with $trillions, the payroll tax holiday instead simply stops taking $trillions away from people working for a living.

Unfortunately, the Democratic elite has been not only against this kind of tax cut, even though it is a tax so regressive that no self respecting Democrat should tolerate for a single moment, because they think the Federal Government has to actually get revenue to be able to spend. However, that anachronistic gold standard reality has long been replace by our current, non convertible currency regime and floating exchange rate policy. Chairman Bernanke told Congressman Pelley exactly how the Federal Government spends today last May:

(PELLEY) Is that tax money that the Fed is spending?
(BERNANKE) It’s not tax money. The banks have– accounts with the Fed, much the same way that you have an account in a commercial bank. So, to lend to a bank, we simply use the computer to mark up the size of the account that they have with the Fed.

Our govt has only one way to spend- they ‘mark up’ numbers in bank accounts. The funds don’t ‘come from’ anywhere any more than the 6 points for a touchdown posted on scoreboard at a football game ‘come from’ anywhere. Nor does govt. get anything when it taxes- the IRS just changes numbers down in our bank accounts.

The fact is, the US Government never has nor doesn’t have dollars. It’s the scorekeeper for the dollar. It just changes numbers in bank accounts.

So why tax? To regulate aggregate demand. Taxation is the thermostat. When the economy is too hot, raise taxes to cool it down. When it’s too cold, like it surely is today, a payroll tax holiday will warm it back up to operating temperature.

The Democratic elite have it wrong and their wrongheaded ways are doing serious damage to the US economy and the people struggling under their failed economic agenda. And their latest moves towards what they call ‘fiscal responsibility’ will only cut demand further and make things worse.

Tea Party Democrats can lead the way towards true fiscal responsibility, which means setting taxes at the right level needed to sustain output and employment. And today that means a full payroll tax holiday.


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Posted in Banking, Deficit, Employment, GDP, Government Spending, Obama, Political | 38 Comments »

reuters post

Posted by WARREN MOSLER on 8th January 2010


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Mosler’s 11 steps to fix the economy

1. A full ‘payroll tax holiday’ where the US Treasury makes all FICA payments for us (15.3%). This will restore ’spending power’ and, by allowing households to make their mortgage payments, will fix banks from the bottom up. It may also keep prices down as competitive pressures may lead businesses to cut prices, passing on their tax savings to consumers even as sales increase.

2. A $500 per capita federal distribution to all the states to sustain employment in essential services, service debt, and reduce the need for state tax hikes. This can be repeated at perhaps 6 month intervals until GDP surpasses previous high levels at which point state revenues that depend on GDP would be restored.

3. A federally-funded $8/hr job and healthcare benefits for anyone willing and able to work. The economy will improve rapidly with my first two proposals and the private sector far more readily hires folks that are already employed. In 2001 Argentina implemented this proposal, putting to work 2 million people who had never held a ‘real’ job. Within 2 years, 750,000 of those 2 million were employed by the private sector.

4. Making banks utilities. The following are disruptive, serve no public purpose and should be done away with:

–Secondary market transactions
–Proprietary trading
–Lending against financial assets
–Business activities beyond approved lending and bank account services.
–Contracting in LIBOR. Fed funds should be used.
–Subsidiaries of any kind.
–Offshore lending.
–Contracting in credit default insurance.

5. Federal Reserve — The liability side of banking is the wrong place to impose market discipline.

The Fed should lend in the fed funds market to all member banks to ensure permanent liquidity. Demanding collateral from banks is disruptive and redundant, as the FDIC already regulates and supervises all bank assets.

6. The Treasury should issue nothing longer than 3 month bills. Longer term securities serve to keep long term rates higher than otherwise.

7. FDIC

–Remove the $250,000 cap on deposit insurance. Liquidity is no longer an issue when fed funds are available from the Fed.
–Don’t tax good banks for losses by bad banks. This serves only to raise interest rates.

8. The Treasury should directly fund the housing agencies to eliminate hedging needs while directly targeting mortgage rates at desired levels.

9. Homeowners being foreclosed should have the option to stay in their homes at fair market rents with ownership going to the government at the lower of the mortgage balance or fair market value of the home.

10. Remove ’self imposed constraints’ that are disruptive to operations and serve no public purpose.

–Dump the debt ceiling – Congress already votes on spending and taxes.
–Allow Treasury ‘overdrafts’ at the Fed rather than forcing it to sell notes and bonds. This is left over from the gold standard days and is currently inapplicable.

11. Federal taxes function to regulate aggregate demand, not to raise revenue per se, and therefore should be increased only to cool down an overheating economy, and not to ‘pay for’ anything.


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Posted in Banking, Currencies, Deficit, Employment, Fed, GDP, Government Spending, Inflation, Interest Rates | 19 Comments »

Payrolls and the Fed

Posted by WARREN MOSLER on 8th January 2010


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Fed struggling to meet its dual mandate of full employment and price stability.

Still losing on both fronts.

Congress and the Admin can’t be feeling good about any of this.

Their belief in ‘monetary policy’ has to be fading after a prolonged period of the 0 rate policy and trillions of quantitative easing.

Quick take.
The payroll number, down 85,000, was moderately disappointing. There was no meaningful net revision. Given the likely data distortions it should have surprised to the upside, as I suggested to you yesterday.
The big story is the household survey measure of employment. It crashed. According to this survey employment fell by 589,000 in the month of December.
Some revisions to this series cut last month’s positive number almost in half to +139,000.
The three-month average is now -325,000. The four month is a little worse. The five month average is also a little worse. But only a little worse. Smoothed household survey employment continues to decline at a rapid rate.

This series is a very noisy series. Nonetheless, one cannot ignore the fact that all smoothed measures of this series show sustained employment losses.
If I am right that seasonal adjustment and birth/death model distortions to the payroll statistic might have added as much as 200,000 to payrolls, the underlying payroll decline might be on the order of 250,000 – not very far out of line with the smoothed household survey.

The workweek was unchanged, preserving its big gain of last month. There are no other major surprises.
I have argued that recent strong reports on final demand have been distorted to the upside by several statistical problems and that the trend in final demand has been weaker than the data shows. I have argued that the withholding tax data suggests that consumer income has still been in decline.
This household survey employment data supports these two theses. In fact, it suggests the recession may never have ended. Things in the US could well start deteriorating faster than I had hitherto felt.


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Posted in Employment, Fed | 3 Comments »

Payrolls

Posted by WARREN MOSLER on 8th January 2010


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Karim writes:

Not hugely out of line with other recent data but details generally weak all around

  • -85k nfp; net revisions -1k (though November now reported at +4k)
  • Weakness led by construction (-27k to -53k; weather?) and govt (-4k to -21k)
  • Avg hourly earnings +0.2%
  • Hours worked unch
  • Unemp rate 9.979% to 9.975%
  • U6 unemp rate (discouraged workers, etc) 17.2% to 17.3%
  • Participation rate 64.9% to 64.6%
  • Median duration of unemp 20.2 weeks to 20.5 weeks
  • Diffusion index 42.4 to 40.0


Agreed.

Both of the Fed’s dual mandates continue moving against a rate hike.

The Fed’s forecasts call for ‘improvements’ but with high downside risks.

From Goldman:

The household survey was substantially weaker than the payroll survey. Although the unemployment rate held steady at 10.0% (9.975% before rounding), the overall levels of the labor force and employment were down significantly — 661k and 589k, respectively. Over the past year, the labor force has fallen 1%; at 64.6% the labor force participation rate is at its lowest level in almost 25 years (August 1985). While some of this may be demographic, at least some of the sharp drop in pariticipation is apt to reverse in coming months, raising the bar for the job growth needed to keep unemployment from rising.

4. Hours worked were flat in December, concluding a quarter in which this index fell 0.5% at an annual rate. This is a much better performance than in recent quarters, and is consistent with expectations that real GDP will post a significant increase for the fourth quarter. We estimate at 4% annualized increase in real GDP for Q4 with upside risk.

5. Although average hourly earnings rose a bit more than we expected on the month, the trend in wages — at 2.2% — continues to drift lower, consistent with the high level of unemployment. The “U6″ broad measure of underemployment, which includes marginally attached workers (those who have stopped working and are consequently not counted as part of the labor force) and those working part time who would like full time work — rose 0.1 point to 17.3%.


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Posted in Employment, Fed | No Comments »

FOMC Minutes

Posted by WARREN MOSLER on 6th January 2010


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The Fed has a dual mandate of full employment and price stability. Both are still moving the wrong way for a hike.

When they move it will likely be based on their forecasts, which remain well on the dovish side.


Karim writes:

Minutes generally more dovish than expected; staff raised forecast, but not by much.Inflation expected to drift lower.

Usual nonsense expressed by some members about effect of QE and deficits on inflation expectations.

STAFF

..the projected pace of real output growth in 2010 and 2011 was expected to exceed that of potential output by only enough to produce a very gradual reduction in economic slack.

…the staff continued to project that core inflation would slow somewhat from its current pace over the next two years. Moreover, the staff expected that headline consumer price inflation would decline to about the same rate as core inflation in 2010 and 2011.

FOMC

..some participants remained concerned about the economy’s ability to generate a self-sustaining recovery without government support. In particular, they noted the risk that improvements in the housing sector might be undercut next year as the Federal Reserve’s purchases of MBS wind down, the homebuyer tax credits expire, and foreclosures and distress sales continue. Though the near-term outlook remains uncertain, participants generally thought the most likely outcome was that economic growth would gradually strengthen over the next two years as financial conditions improved further, leading to more-substantial increases in resource utilization.

The weakness in labor markets continued to be an important concern to meeting participants, who generally expected unemployment to remain elevated for quite some time. The unemployment rate was not the only indicator pointing to substantial slack in labor markets: The employment-to-population ratio had fallen to a 25-year low, and aggregate hours of production workers had dropped more than during the 1981-82 recession. Although the November employment report was considerably better than anticipated, several participants observed that more than one good report would be needed to provide convincing evidence of recovery in the labor market. Participants also noted that the slowing pace of employment declines mainly reflected a diminished pace of layoffs; few firms were hiring. Moreover, the unusually large fraction of those individuals with jobs who were working part time for economic reasons, as well as the uncommonly low level of the average workweek, pointed to only a gradual decline in unemployment as the economic recovery proceeded. Indeed, many business contacts again reported that they would be cautious in their hiring, saying they expected to meet any near-term increase in demand by raising their existing employees’ hours and boosting productivity, thus delaying the need to add employees.

Most participants anticipated that substantial slack in labor and product markets, along with well-anchored inflation expectations, would keep inflation subdued in the near term, although they had differing views as to the relative importance of those two factors. The decelerations in wages and unit labor costs this year, and the accompanying deceleration in marginal costs, were cited as factors putting downward pressure on inflation. Moreover, anecdotal evidence suggested that most firms had little ability to raise their prices in the current economic environment. Some participants noted, however, that rising prices of oil and other commodities, along with increases in import prices, could boost inflation pressures going forward. Overall, many participants viewed the risks to their inflation outlooks as being roughly balanced. Some saw inflation risks as tilted to the downside, reflecting the quite elevated level of economic slack and the possibility that inflation expectations could begin to decline in response to the low level of actual inflation. But others felt that inflation risks were tilted to the upside, particularly in the medium term, because of the possibility that inflation expectations could rise as a result of the public’s concerns about extraordinary monetary policy stimulus and large federal budget deficits. Moreover, a few participants noted that banks might seek, as the economy improves, to reduce their excess reserves quickly and substantially by purchasing securities or by easing credit standards and expanding their lending. A rapid shift, if not offset by Federal Reserve actions, could give excessive impetus to spending and potentially result in expected and actual inflation higher than would be consistent with price stability. To keep inflation expectations anchored, all participants agreed that monetary policy would need to be responsive to any significant improvement or worsening in the economic outlook and that the Federal Reserve would need to continue to clearly communicate its ability and intent to begin withdrawing monetary policy accommodation at the appropriate time and pace.

Although members generally saw little risk that maintaining very low short-term interest rates could raise inflation expectations or create instability in asset markets, they noted that it was important to remain alert to these risks. All agreed that the path of short-term rates going forward would depend on the evolution of the economic outlook.


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Posted in CBs, Employment, Fed, Inflation | No Comments »

ISM/ADP

Posted by WARREN MOSLER on 6th January 2010


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We’ll see if the zero rate policy keeps giving that feeling that the economy is dragging an anchor chain, and requires lower taxes for a given amount of govt. spending to sustain a lower output gap.


Karim writes:

  • ADP, claims and employment component of ISM survey consistent with payroll gwth of 0 to -50k on Friday.
  • ISM (non-mfg) moves back above 50


Dec Nov
Composite 50.1 48.7
Activity 53.7 49.6
Prices paid 58.7 57.8
New Orders 52.1 55.1
Employment 44.0 41.6

  • “Economy seems to have leveled off with expectation of an upswing in our business in Q1 2010.” (Professional, Scientific & Technical Services)
  • “There has been a slight upturn in our business activities; however, it is not entirely attributable to any one particular source.” (Public Administration)
  • “The environment seems to be improving, but we will continue to be cautious as we look forward.” (Retail Trade)
  • “The current economic conditions are continuing to have a flat or negative effect on our business.” (Wholesale Trade)
  • “No items in short supply; suppliers looking to set up agreements for 2010 with quarterly or semiannual price reviews.” (Arts, Entertainment & Recreation)


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Posted in Employment, Interest Rates | No Comments »

Why health care will keep us ill

Posted by WARREN MOSLER on 29th December 2009


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The flaw in the annointment is that our out of paradigm legislators and administration have apparently agreed that whatever healthcare they pass will be a ‘tax now, spend later’ arrangement.

This will only serve to reduce aggregate for the time leading up to the additional spending, which looks to be, perhaps, three years.

While it may not be enough to throw us back to negative growth, it will work against any transition back towards full employment we might have had otherwise.


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Posted in Employment, GDP | 18 Comments »

more on the man of the year

Posted by WARREN MOSLER on 24th December 2009


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More on the Bernanke testimony:

Shortly after the failure of Lehman Brothers, I was in Brazil at an international meeting, and I had a meeting there with bankers, and I asked them how the Brazilian economy was doing. And they said well, it had been doing fine, but within a week after Lehman Brothers collapsed, it was like a frigid wind descended on the economy in Brazil. And there was an enormous impact almost immediately on their economy, on their ability to raise funds and make loans.

In dollars, I’m sure.

And it’s astonishing how quickly that one failure spread throughout the world, and created a very severe recession, not just in the U.S., but around the world.

The Federal Reserve, by making a large loan under very tough terms to AIG,

But allowing those funds to be used to meet margin calls on CDS and probably other related market losses. That’s perhaps the most controversial part. Those payments to creditors perhaps could have been labeled ‘loans from the Fed’ subject to AIG ultimate solvency rather than payments from the Fed.

prevented the failure of that institution, and, therefore, tried to contain the impact of the Lehman Brothers failure on the rest of the global financial system. I’ll come back and talk more about AIG, and those things later, but that was just the first step of many that we took to try to stop the crisis.

Subsequently, again, very concerned with the possibility of a global financial meltdown, we worked with Treasury and the Congress to develop a bill that would provide funding that the Fed, the Treasury and other agencies could use to stabilize the financial system, to prevent collapse of the financial system.

This immediately became relevant, because in mid-October, the crisis heated up again to the point that we thought that we were again within days or hours of a collapse of many of the largest financial firms in the world. It was a dramatic weekend. It was Oct. 10 or 11, Columbus Day weekend, when the Finance Ministers and the central bankers of seven of the largest industrial economies had a meeting here in Washington, which, of course, I attended. Usually, those meetings are very scripted and very dry. In this case, there was palpable concern among the participants that the collapse of their financial system might be just days away, and there was a great deal of discussion about how we, collectively, as the policy makers leading those countries could stop the collapse.

In the days that followed, countries all over the world, particularly the advanced industrial countries, took strong measures to prevent the collapse of the financial systems. That included putting capital into banks;

Obviously they didn’t know it was nothing more than regulatory forbearance.

it included preventing the failure of large financial firms; it included guaranteeing the debts of financial firms so they could borrow and keep themselves afloat; it included making short-term loans to firms so that they would have the short-term credit they needed to pay off lenders who were withdrawing their funding. And, again, this was the U.S. doing this, but also many of the most important industrial countries around the world simultaneously, including the U.K., Germany, France, Switzerland and others.

Again, many of those creditors ‘bailed out’ by the Fed’s liquidity provisions could have had those funds labeled ‘loans from the Fed’ rather than simply receiving payments from the Fed.

The result of this collective global effort over that week was essentially to succeed in stabilizing the global banking system, in that subsequent to that week the fears of utter collapse were largely overcome.

Now, in the following months after that, there were still many, many great difficulties in the financial markets. And the Fed, and other central banks and Treasuries around the world, worked very hard to restore the normal functioning of those markets. For example, following the Lehman failure, there was a run where ordinary investors went as quick as they could to pull their money out of money market mutual funds, which are a common investment vehicle for many Americans. It was very analogous to 100 years ago when a bank was about to fail, and the depositors would go to the bank, they would run and pull their money out as quickly as possible, and then the bank would fail. The money market mutual funds were experiencing exactly the same phenomenon.

The Fed and the Treasury working together provided short-term loans to these funds. The Treasury provided some insurance to depositors, or to investors so they would know they wouldn’t lose their money. We stopped the run on the money market mutual funds, and that was an example of how we helped stabilize the situation.

Not sure why that was critical?

There were many other steps we had to take helping individual institutions, and providing programs for backstop lending to make sure that the key markets in the financial system were functioning again, because for months after Lehman Brothers, the amount of fear and uncertainty in the financial markets was so elevated that these markets were, essentially, not functioning properly, and it took really many months until we had reached the point that these markets had begun to approach a normal state.

Doesn’t mention the dollar swap lines to foreign CB’s???

But bank lending is still weak. The banks had a near-death experience, they are now lending in a difficult economic environment. We are strongly encouraging them to lend. We have taken a lot of steps to help them raise new capital, so they’ll have a basis on which to make new loans. And we are taking a number of steps to try to open up markets through which investors invest directly in various forms of credit, like auto loans and credit card loans. All of these steps are improving the financial situation, but particularly the banking sector, we’re still in the convalescent stage.

They only bought AAA traunches which didn’t address the credit issues. They were more worried about taking losses than restoring auto credit, but wanted to give the appearance they were doing something.

As I said, I was a professor. I never worked for Wall Street. I have no connections on Wall Street. In fact, when I first became chairman, I was criticized in some quarters for not being close enough, or knowing enough about Wall Street. So, why did I take these actions?

I didn’t take these actions, or the Federal Reserve didn’t take these actions because we were trying to help bankers, or trying to help Wall Street. What I understood, and what knowledgeable people all around the world understood, is that the financial system is essential to the functioning of any economy. And that if the financial system had collapsed to the extent to which we believed was very likely in September and October 2008, then no force on earth, no policy, could have prevented the collapse of the entire U.S. economy with long-lasting and extreme consequences for every American.

How about a proportionate fiscal response, like a payroll tax holiday and per capita revenue distributions to the States? Instead, he continues to preach ‘fiscal responsibility.’

It was because we were concerned about jobs and incomes and the economic well-being of every American that we intervened to prevent the collapse of the financial system.

Now, going forward, we have a lot to do to get the economy back to stability, get jobs created. You can talk as much as you like about the things we’re doing there, but we’re also going to have to take some very strong steps to make sure that the crisis doesn’t ever happen again.

There were, certainly, weaknesses in our financial regulatory system. There were weaknesses in the way that financial regulators supervised the banks and other financial institutions. And the financial institutions themselves made lots of mistakes in terms of their ability to measure the risks that they were taking, and to control them properly. And to make sure we don’t ever have a crisis like this again, we need to have extensive reform in the private sector, in the public sector, to eliminate these risks in the future.

You had said that the banks were convalescent still, Mr. Chairman. Can you talk to us a little bit more about what that means?

Well, the banks have been stabilized. They’ve raised a good deal of capital, so they’re in much better shape than they were. They are lending, but they are not lending enough to support a healthy recovery. One important reason for that, is that given their losses, given what they’ve been through, they’re being very conservative in the face of what is still a very weak economy; and, therefore, a sense that many borrowers are quite risky.

As bank supervisors, we have a difficult challenge. We have told the banks very clearly that we want them to make loans to credit-worthy borrowers, where there are borrowers who can repay the loans. It’s in the interest of the banks, it’s in the interest of the economy, and, of course, it’s in the interest of the borrowers for those loans to get made.

But the problem is, of course, that we got into trouble in the first place by banks making loans that couldn’t be repaid, so we don’t want banks to make bad loans. Therefore, we are trying to work with banks to make sure that they are, in fact, able to make as many good loans as possible, that they have enough capital, that they have enough short-term funding, and that the examiners and the regulators who work with the banks are not unduly restricting the loans that they make. We want to work with the banks to make sure that they balance the appropriate prudence and caution against the need to make good loans for the economy, and for their own profits.

Banks and the entire private sector is necessarily procyclical.

Only govt via fiscal policy can be countercyclical.

So, what this means is that economic policy, and financial oversight have to take into account all the international dimensions of that. So, for example, on the monetary policy side, we have worked carefully and closely with other central banks to talk about monetary policy in different parts of the world. In fact, during the heat of the crisis in October 2008, the Federal Reserve and five other major central banks cut interest rates together on the same day, as a sign of how committed we were to cooperating on monetary policy.

Doesn’t seem concerned that interest rate cuts may in fact be deflationary as he knows they remove interest income for the private sectors (Bernanke, Sacks, Reinhart, 2004 Fed paper- see ‘the fiscal channel’)

The system worked.

It did work. It was an important first step. I mean, even after we took those steps, the financial markets were in a great deal of stress, and credit at all levels was very much constrained. But it stabilized the situation, and from there, we were able to take a number of steps to - both we, and our partners in other countries - to get the key markets working again, to get the banks stabilized, and to begin the very difficult process of getting the financial system back on its feet.

Never realizing that all the alphabet soup measures to get liquidity going missed the point that all the Fed had to do was lend fed funds to member banks without limit, as the ECB effectively did by immediately accepting any and all bank collateral, to immediately restore bank liquidity.

So, while it’s difficult to know exactly what the outcome would have been, certainly, just judging on what happened after the failure of a single firm, the collapse of the global financial system would surely have led to a far deeper recession, higher unemployment, much greater fiscal cost to the taxpayer, and to rebuild the financial system, and to get the economy moving again. And almost certainly, [we would have had] many, many years of subnormal - substandard - performance by the U.S. economy, and by other industrial economies, as well. Again, we can’t know precisely, but I think if anything, the financial crisis last fall was as severe, and as dangerous as anything we’ve ever seen, including the 1930s.

The whole point of going off the gold standard in 1934 was to be able to provide liquidity without limit to the banking system, so the fact that he did that, however belatedly, is nothing to brag about. It also allowed for unlimited fiscal responses, which he still seems to not fathom.

There is an irony here that’s literary, that here’s this man who spends his life distinguishing himself studying economic history. And then one day you wake up and realize that you’re at the center of economic history in this really unusual chapter. How do you process that personally? I mean, how does that change how you go from being the academic expert to you are in the arena?

Well, I certainly didn’t anticipate when I came to Washington in 2002, I certainly didn’t anticipate these events, or how things would evolve. No question about it. And when I became chairman in 2006, I thought that - I hoped that my main objectives would be improving the management, communication and monitoring policy.

We were certainly attentive to the risks of financial crisis. Secretary Paulson and I talk frequently to people on Wall Street, and we secured the Federal Reserve. We set up a team of staff drawn from different disciplines to try to identify problems and weaknesses in the financial sector. So, we were certainly aware of the risks of financial crisis, but one as large and as dangerous as this one, I certainly did not anticipate. I wish I had, but I didn’t.

Then when the crisis came, you know, rather unexpectedly, a different part of my training and research became relevant, which was to work on financial crises generally, and also on the Great Depression. And I believe very much that that experience, and that knowledge, was very helpful to me in many dimensions of this effort, ranging from - I think the most important lesson, there are many lessons, but I think the most important lesson was that we were not going to have a healthy stable economy with a completely dysfunctional financial system. We had to take strong measures to prevent that from happening.

And in the 1930s, the Federal Reserve was quite passive, and allowed the banks to fail, and we know the result of that. So, we were determined that that wasn’t going to happen on my watch, on our watch, so we were prepared to take very strong actions to avoid that.

That was under the gold standard. Nothing could be done without losing the nation’s gold supply. It was only after the banks reopened in 1934 with a non convertible currency could there be credible deposit insurance unlimited Fed provision of liquidity. Clearly he doesn’t understand that or a) he’d be stating it b) I don’t want to say…

You’ve been quite forthcoming, I think, in your testimony about saying, there’s a lot of things you didn’t see, there’s some things that we didn’t do. If I gave you a kind of do-over to go back as long as you want to say you know what, if we’d seen this, if we’d looked at the sub-prime mortgage crisis. I mean, how could you have handled it, and the Fed handled it better to have a different outcome?

Well, we have, based on the experience of the crisis, we - the Treasury and others - have made proposals for how the financial regulatory system ought to be reformed and restructured. I’ll say a word about that. If we had been in that forum, I think we would have avoided the crisis. So, there were some important lessons.

One was that our regulatory system was too myopic. It was too focused on individual firms, or individual markets, and there was nobody paying attention to the broad overall financial system. So, the Federal Reserve was not entrusted with looking at the whole financial system. We were - we had very specific assignments. We were supposed to look at specific institutions. Those institutions did not include many of the firms that had severe problems, like Lehman Brothers or Bear Stearns or AIG. Those were outside of our purview, and since they were outside of our purview, we didn’t look at them.

They missed one critical factor- allowing bank loan officers to work on a commission basis. Nor, did the regulators look into actual loan files to check for fraudulent appraisals and income statements promoted by loan officers working on a commission basis. Regulation is necessarily a work in progress. Mistakes will be made, including mistakes of this scale. Critical to our well being is the knowledge of how to keep these errors in the financial sector from damaging the real economy. And that requires appropriate fiscal responses to sustain aggregate demand, preferably in an equitable manner.

But there were many situations where there was really nobody who was looking carefully at what was going on, and nobody who was looking at how the parts of the system fit together. So, a very important recommendation that we have made is that there be a more systemic approach - that is, have some arrangement whereby a regulator, or a group of regulators, has responsibility to look at the system as a whole, and try to identify emerging problems, or gaps in the regulatory apparatus, or weaknesses in individual institutions, as they relate to other institutions, that threaten the integrity of the system as a whole.

Better still, most of the issues came from allowing banking activities that in fact served no further public purpose. That includes any bank participation in secondary markets, loaning against financial assets, using LIBOR as an index, and many others.

We didn’t have that. Therefore, nobody paid enough attention to AIG, nobody paid enough to attention to credit and call swaps, nobody paid enough attention to some of the activities of investment banks. You go on, and on, and on. Again, if we had had a more comprehensive overview approach that would have been helpful.

A second key element is the problem too big to fail, and how to address that. So, I just want to be very, very clear that even though the Federal Reserve was involved in rescuing Bear Stearns and AIG, we did that extremely reluctantly, and with - it was a very distasteful thing for us to do. We did not do it - we were not set up to do it. We were - it was very difficult for us to do, but we did it because there was no appropriate mechanism, there was no set of laws that would allow the government to intervene in a situation like that in a way that would allow the firm to fail, but would not have all the negative consequences for the financial system and the economy.

So, we had a situation where there were firms who were literally too big to fail, or too complex to fail, or too interconnected to fail. When they came to the edge of collapsing, we had only two very, very bad choices: we either bailed them out, put taxpayer money at risk, put the Federal Reserve at risk in terms of our lending, or we could let them collapse and have all the hugely negative consequences for the financial system and for the economy.

So, what we did not have, and what we very much need going forward, is a third option, and that option should be a legal framework which allows the government - and I think that means, in practice, the Treasury and Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation - to intervene when a large complex systemically critical firm is about to fail, and to allow the firm to fail, impose losses on the lenders, the creditors of the firm, the shareholders, fire the management, protect the taxpayer, but be able to do that in a way that protects the system, so that the financial system is protected from the immediate impact of that collapse.

I submit we already have that for the large banks, and the others as well. He just didn’t grasp how to use it. The receivership they did set up did not have to pay off all the creditors, and if there were issues, it would have been a relatively simple matter to petition congress for an ‘emergency’ alteration of current law. They didn’t even try.

We did not have a system like that in place. I think if we had, we could have dealt with Lehman Brothers and AIG in a much more satisfactory way. We would have avoided many of the problems. And, most importantly, we would have not, in some sense, rewarded failure, which is what happened. In the future, it’s important that firms be allowed to fail if they, in fact, take excessive risks, and make bad gambles.

But that mechanism is not in place now.

The mechanism is not in place, and we have asked Congress to address it, and I believe that they will. But until they do, we are really still in a situation where we don’t have good options in dealing with potential collapse of a global financial firm.

It isn’t that hard to do.

Right now people are sort of looking to you, and to Congress, to kind of break the back of unemployment. And you’ve talked about how that is really our biggest challenge right now. Do you feel there is anything else that can be done, or has the Fed shot all its bullets, and has Congress shot all its bullets?

Well, the Federal Reserve has been very aggressive on the unemployment side. So, let me just first say that even though the recession may be technically over., in a sense that the economy is growing, it’s going to feel like a recession for some time, because unemployment remains very high, about 10%. And even people who have jobs, there are many people who are on short hours, that are in voluntary part-time, or maybe people who are not technically unemployed, only because they stopped looking. So, the labor market is in very weak condition, and we’re not going to see a healthy, vibrant economy again until the labor market - the job market - has recovered. So, that is really an extraordinarily important objective for policy going forward. And, certainly, our job won’t be done until the economy is growing again, and jobs are being created.

The Federal Reserve’s attempts to address employment issues, we’ve done several things. Certainly, one of the things is we’re using our monetary policy. In December 2008, while the crisis was still in an intense phase, we cut the short-term interest rate that is the measure of our monetary policy almost to zero. The first time that had ever been the case, the Fed had ever done that, in order to provide the maximum amount of support to the economy, and it remains close to zero today. So, that is a very powerful measure.

Again, he gives no weight to the possibility that the interest income he removed from ’savers’ is weighing on the economy, even though it’s in his own paper from 2004.

Having used that tool to its maximum extent, we have then turned to new and innovative tools, things that have never been done before in the Federal Reserve. I’ll give you two examples. One, we’ve purchased about $1 trillion worth of mortgages that are guaranteed by Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac, and the U.S. Treasury. And in doing those purchases, we have succeeded in reducing the national 30-year fixed-rate mortgage rate from about 6-1/2% to about 4.8%. By lowering mortgage rates that way, we have helped to stabilize the housing sector, to help stabilize the housing crisis, and allow people to refinance, to buy homes. And that, obviously, should get construction started again and house prices stabilizing, and people being able to meet their mortgages. That’s obviously going to be helpful.

The far more effective way would be to directly fund the agencies at the fixed rate the Fed wanted for mortgages and allow that funding to be prepaid without penalty if the mortgages prepaid. But that was never even a consideration.

We’ve also created a program that helps bring credit from Wall Street to support a wide variety of consumer and small-business loans. So, for example, our program allows Wall Street money to come in and support auto loans, credit card loans, student loans, small business loans, commercial real estate loans. By providing that conduit, we are supporting what the banks are doing to get credit flowing into those important sectors.

But only the AAA pieces, as previously discussed.

And I guess a third thing, an additional thing I would mention is that we serve not only as monetary policy makers, but also as bank supervisors. And there we’ve been sparing no effort, as I talked about earlier, to get the banks able and willing to lend again, to create - particularly the small businesses - to create the credit that’s needed to create new jobs and get employment back on track.

I would mention, in particular, our leadership of the stress tests. In the spring, the Federal Reserve led an effort to evaluate the balance sheets of 19 of the largest banking companies in the U.S., and our report on those balance sheets, along with the FDIC, the OCC, to other banking agencies, our reports on those balance sheets is public, greatly increased the confidence in the banking system, which meant that they were able to go out and raise new capital in the stock market, and many of them have paid back the capital to the government.

Still no clue it was only regulatory forbearance.

But by raising new capital, they increased their own capacity to lend. And, as conditions improve, they’ll be able to make new loans as well.

So, by keeping interest rates low, including both short-term rates and long-term rates, like mortgage rates, by supporting a flow of credit to small businesses, consumers and the like, that is our primary effort. Those are the tools that we have. We can always do more, if necessary, but those are the tools that we are applying trying to get job growth going again.

They have more tools but aren’t using them? Unless this is a bluff, what are they waiting for? This is an extraordinary statement.

And we have seen, obviously, the labor market is still very weak, but the last report we saw shows that we’re now coming closer to the point where we’ll stop seeing job losses and start seeing job gains.

We’ve talked about a lot of those extraordinary things you’ve done. But is that it? Like now do we have to - because there’s still really bad numbers, even your forecasts are like what, 10% [unemployment] this year, 9% going forward, I think like 8% in 2012. Do we just have to kind of now sit back and take it?

Well, the Federal Reserve will continue to see what other policy actions we can take. And we’ve really been very aggressive, thus far. And the additional steps aren’t as obvious or clear as the ones that we’ve already taken.

Right, they don’t have any actual ideas.

A lot of the scope now is on the fiscal side of the house. As you know, the government passed a major fiscal program earlier this year, and I think it was just today the President announced a number of individual - a package of programs to try to address unemployment. So, [there are] a lot of new initiatives probably coming from the fiscal side.

While he preaches fiscal responsibility. See below.

Did they ask you for your opinion of those before…

Well, our staffs confer frequently with the Treasury and other parts of the Economic Advisory Groups that advise the President. And we often give our views. Our views are solicited. But, of course, they are responsible for their policy choices.

Have you said before, or are you prepared to say now, that a second stimulus, a round of incentives, is a good idea, on the fiscal side?

So, my domain is monetary policy and financial stability. And we have done, of course, a lot of aggressive things to try to support the economy, try to support job creation. I generally leave the details of fiscal programs to the Administration and Congress. That’s really their area of authority and responsibility, and I don’t think it’s appropriate for me to second guess.

You have said that there’s a long-term deficit program that needs to be dealt with. You said health care costs ought to be cut back, so it’s not like you won’t talk at all about the fiscal situation. Regardless of the details, which I understand that you don’t want to tell them how to do it, do you think that the fiscal side ought to do something?

Well, let me say this, I think that it’s very important that whatever actions that Congress and Administration take on the fiscal side, that they begin soon, or even sooner, to develop a credible medium-term interest strategy for fiscal policy, one that will persuade the markets and the public that over the medium term, the next few years, we will - we, as government, we, as a country - will be able to bring our deficits down to a level that could be sustained over a period of time.

Yes, he’s clearly part of the problem, not part of the answer. He’s failed to realize the ramifications of lifting convertibility in 1934 (and 1971 internationally) and is one of the leading deficit terrorists.

If we can do that, which will increase the confidence of the markets in American fiscal policy, that would give us more scope to take action today, because, again, there would be confidence that we have a way out, a way back towards sustainability.

There is no sustainability issue and he should know that. But he doesn’t even fully understand monetary operations of the Fed itself.

In your testimony the other day, one Senator talked about here’s the money that the federal government takes in, here’s what we spend on entitlements. It’s basically the same. Everything else we have to borrow for. I mean, there are a lot of people saying that it’s not sustainable, as you have said. And they said one of the only solutions is some kind of tax, a sales tax, value-added tax, something other than an income tax. But would you be in favor of any of those alternatives?

So, the way I put this before Congress before is that the one law that I strongly advocate is the law of arithmetic. (Laughter.) That law of arithmetic says that if you are a low-tax person, then you have to - you are responsible for finding ways on saving on expenditure, so that you don’t have enormous imbalances between revenues and spending. And by the same law of arithmetic, if you were somebody who believes that government spending is important, and you are for bigger and more spending, and bigger programs, then it’s incumbent upon you to figure out where the revenues are going to come from to meet that spending. So, again, I think that’s, again, Congress’ main responsibility.

I have spoken about deficit, and I think deficits are important, because they address broad economic and financial stability. We need to talk about that. But in terms of the specifics about how to get to fiscal balance, that’s the elected officials’ responsibility.

He sees spending as revenue constrained where that concept is entirely inapplicable to non convertible currency and floating fx policy.

Do you think Congress is fiscally illiterate? Economically illiterate?

No, of course not. But what they have to deal with is not just a question of understanding. It’s a question of making very, very tough choices, and in a political environment, where people understandably are resistant to cuts in programs or benefits, or increases of taxes. So, there needs to be tough choices made, there needs to be leadership. And I don’t envy Congress those choices, because they’re very difficult ones to make.

Are you saying that time for fiscal and monetary stimulus is over? And, if so, what’s the downside of pushing even harder?

There are not easy solutions. It’s an enormous problem. I think the Federal Reserve - one direction that we can go is to continue to encourage the extension of credit, small businesses, in particular, create a lot of jobs, particularly during economic recoveries. And we have lots and lots of evidence and anecdotes suggesting that small businesses are particularly harmed by the tightness of the bank lending standards and unavailability of credit. So, everything we can do, and that the Administration and Congress can do, to support credit extension to all business, but primarily small business, would be a very powerful.

You don’t think it’s a liquidity problem?

Well, I mean, interest rates are very low, so I think it’s going to be a question, first of all, of getting credit flowing again. And the Federal Reserve has got a role to play there. And then, Congress and the Administration will consider possible programs and fiscal policies.

You’re definitely not okay with long-term profligacy, but are you okay with them doing something in the short-term?

I think if they do that, it’s critically important they clarify the longer-term plan for establishing sustainable fiscal [policy].

Again ducking the question. But it’s clear he is not a supporter of using fiscal adjustments to sustain aggregate demand.

Adair Turner, the chief British [financial services] regulator, said that we’ve learned that much of what the financial services sector did in the past 10 years has no economic or social value. Do you agree? Did the financial services sector just get too big, and should it be smaller?

Okay. Well, a strong financial system is very important. It allocates capital to new businesses and new industries. It allows for people to invest in a wide range of activities, so it’s critically important to have a good financial system. And the evidence for that is that when the financial system breaks down, the system just doesn’t function.

That is not evidence for that. Seems a breakdown of logic???

You see what the impact has had on the economy. With that being said, the financial system is unique to the extent, first, that it is so critical to the economy, and, secondly, to the very, very old tendency to succumb to booms and busts.

Again, this is too confused to not be an insight into his basic sense of logic.

And, therefore, we do need to have an effective comprehensive financial regulatory system that will essentially allow us to tame the beast so that it provides the benefits, the growth and development without creating these kinds of crisis.

And then this says it all regarding his understanding of monetary operations:

Okay. When the Federal Reserve buys mortgages, it pays for them by creating reserves the banks hold in Federal Reserve. So, as we purchase $1 trillion of mortgages, we’ve created roughly $1 trillion of reserves that banks hold at the Federal Reserve. The banks, at this point, are just willing to hold those reserves with the Fed, and not do anything with them.

Banks don’t ‘do anything’ with reserves.

Ultimately, if the economy normalized, and the Fed took no action, the banks would take those reserves, try to lend them out, and they would begin to circulate, and the money supply would start to grow.

Banks don’t ‘lend out’ reserves.

And then, ultimately, that would create an inflationary risk.

This is not how it works.

So, therefore, as the economy begins to recover, and as we move away from this very weak economic environment, the Federal Reserve is going to have to pull those reserves out of the system.

We have a number of means for doing that, which we have explained to the markets, and the public, and everyone is confident we can do that. And we will do that over time, in order to make sure that as we come out of this crisis, we don’t generate inflation at the end.

Reserve management has nothing to do with inflation with a non convertible currency and floating fx. This is ancient gold standard rhetoric.

So, the reserves can be pulled out through various mechanisms or can mobilize. And we don’t have to do that yet, but when the time comes, we have tools to do that.

And are there lurking dangers in those mortgages that you purchased that we don’t even know about now?

Well, the mortgages are guaranteed. The credit, even if they go bad, Fannie and Freddie with the backing of the U.S. Treasury will pay them off, so the Fed is not taking any credit risk by holding these mortgages.

It’s comforting for you, but not for the taxpayers. Right?

Well, on the other hand, what’s happening is that we earn the interest from those mortgages, and then we remit that interest back to the Treasury, so the money finds its way back to the taxpayer.

That’s exactly how the Fed’s portfolio removes interest income from the private sectors.

And, indeed, the Federal Reserve will be paying the Treasury a good bit more money the next few years than it has in the past, because of the interest we’re earning on these mortgages we acquired.

On that note, this week we did learn the TARP is going to pay back nearly all of what it was required to from the taxpayer. Looking back a year later, are surprised by that?

Well, we said at the beginning that the TARP money was an investment. It was going to acquire assets, and that most or all might come back to the taxpayer. Right now, if you look at all these repayments from banks, and the fact that the government is sitting on capital gains, as well as other investments, I think it’s a reasonable probability that the TARP money invested in financial institutions, that the great majority of it will come back to the taxpayer. So, in the end, we will have stabilized the financial system and avoided this global crisis at not a small amount of money, but relative to the alternative, a quite small amount of money.

Were there days where you woke up and you thought, what am I not thinking of that we could be doing?

We had a philosophy right here, which was what we called blue-sky thinking. And what blue-sky thinking was, was we have a problem, I want everybody to give me just three associations. What can you think of? How can we approach this, what can we do? And we’ll worry about getting rid of the silly answers later. So, there’s been a lot of creativity here, and I give credit to terrific staff . I think one of the lessons of the depression, and this is something that Franklin Roosevelt demonstrated, was that when orthodoxy fails, then you need to try new things. And he was very willing to try unorthodox approaches when the orthodox approach had shown that it was not adequate.


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Updated: 7 Deadly Innocent Frauds

Posted by WARREN MOSLER on 10th December 2009

The Seven Deadly Innocent Frauds of Economic Policy

By Warren Mosler

PROLOGUE
The term “innocent fraud” was introduced by Professor John Kenneth Galbraith in his last book, The Economics of Innocent Fraud, which he wrote at the age of ninety-four in 2004, just two years before he died. 1 Professor Galbraith coined the term to describe a variety of incorrect assumptions embraced by mainstream economists, the media, and most of all, politicians.

The presumption of innocence, yet another example of Galbraith’s elegant and biting wit, implies those perpetuating the fraud are not only wrong, but also not clever enough to understand what they have been doing. And any claim of prior understanding becomes an admission of deliberate fraud—an unthinkable self incrimination.

Galbraith’s economic views gained a wide audience during the 1950’s and 1960’s, with his best selling books The Affluent Society, and The New Industrial State. He was well connected to both the Kennedy and Johnson Administrations, serving as the United States Ambassador to India from 1961 to 1963, when he returned to his post as Harvard’s most renowned Professor of Economics.

Galbraith was largely a Keynesian who believed that only fiscal policy can restore “spending power.” Fiscal policy is what economists call tax cuts and spending increases, and spending in general is what they call aggregate demand.

Galbraith’s academic antagonist, Milton Friedman, led another school of thought known as the “monetarists.” The monetarists believe the Federal government should always keep the budget in balance and use what they called “monetary policy” to regulate the economy. Initially that meant keeping the “money supply” growing slowly and steadily to control inflation, and letting the economy do what it may. However they never could come up with a measure of money supply that did the trick, nor could the Federal Reserve ever find a way to actually control the measures of money they experimented with.

Paul Volcker was the last Fed Chairman to attempt to directly control the money supply. After a prolonged period of actions that merely demonstrated what most central bankers had known for a very long time—that there was no such thing as controlling the money supply—Volcker abandoned the effort.

Monetary policy was quickly redefined as a policy of using interest rates as the instrument of monetary policy rather than any measures of the quantity of money. And “inflation expectations” moved to the top of the list as the cause of inflation, as the money supply no longer played an active role.

Interestingly, “money” doesn’t appear anywhere in the latest monetarist mathematical models that advocate the use of interest rates to regulate the economy.
Whenever there are severe economic slumps, politicians need results—in the form of more jobs—to stay in office. At first they watch as the Federal Reserve cuts interest rates, waiting patiently for the low rates to somehow “kick in.” Unfortunately, interest rates never to seem to “kick in.” Then, as rising unemployment threatens the re-election of members of Congress and the President, the politicians turn to Keynesian policies of tax cuts and spending increases. These policies are implemented over the intense objections and dire predictions of the majority of central bankers and mainstream economists.
It was Richard Nixon who famously declared during the double dip economic slump of 1973 that “We are all Keynesians now.”

Despite Nixon’s statement, Galbraith’s Keynesian views lost out to the monetarists when the “Great Inflation” of the the 1970s sent shock waves through the American psyche. Public policy turned to the Federal Reserve and its manipulation of interest rates as the most effective way to deal with what was coined “stagflation”—the combination of a stagnant economy and high inflation.

I entered banking in 1973 with a job collecting delinquent loans at the Savings Bank of Manchester in Manchester, Connecticut, my home town. I was the bank’s portfolio manager by 1975 which led to Wall St. in 1976 where I worked on the trading floor until 1978 when I was hired by William Blair and Company in Chicago to add fixed income arbitrage to their corporate bond department, before starting my own fund in 1982. From where I sat I saw the ‘great inflation’ as a cost push phenomena driven by OPEC’s pricing power. As they raised the nominal price of crude oil from $2 per barrel in the early 1970’s to a peak of about $40 per barrel approximately 10 years later, I could see two possible outcomes. The first was for it to somehow be kept to a relative value story, where US inflation remained fairly low, and paying more for oil and gasoline simply meant less demand and weaker prices for most everything else, and wages and salaries staying relatively constant. This would have meant a drastic reduction in our real terms of trade and our standard of living, and an even larger increase in the real terms of trade and standard of living for the oil exporters.

The second outcome, which is what happened, was for a general inflation to ensue, so while OPEC did get higher prices for its oil, they also had to pay higher prices for what they wanted to buy, leaving real terms of trade not all that different after the price of oil finally broke down to between $10 and $5 per barrel where it remained for over a decade. And from where I sat I didn’t see any deflationary consequences from the ‘tight’ monetary policy. Instead, it was the deregulation of natural gas in 1978 that allowed prices to rise and wells to be uncapped, allowing our electric utilities to switch fuels from oil to natural gas. OPEC reacted to this supply response by rapidly cutting production in an attempt to keep prices from falling below $30 per barrel. Production was cut by over 15 million barrels a day, but it wasn’t enough, and they drowned in the sea of excess world oil production as electric utilities continued to move to other fuels. My story is that it was a cartel setting ever higher prices that caused the great inflation, and a simple supply response that broke it.

This book is divided into three sections. Part one immediately reveals the seven ‘innocent frauds’ that I submit are the most imbedded obstacles to national prosperity. They are presented in a manner that does not require any prior knowledge or understanding of the monetary system, economics, or accounting. The first three concern the federal government’s budget deficit, the fourth addresses social security, the fifth international trade, the sixth savings and investment, and the seventh returns to the budget deficit. This chapter is the core message. It’s purpose is to promote a universal understanding of these critical issues facing our nation.

Part two is a history of how I discovered these seven deadly innocent frauds during my more than three decades of experience in the world of finance.
In part three, I set forward a specific action plan for our country to realize our economic potential and restore the American dream.

April 15, 2010
Warren Mosler
St. Croix
US Virgin Islands

SUMMARY OF THE SEVEN DEADLY INNOCENT FRAUDS OF ECONOMIC POLICY
#1: The government must raise funds through taxing or borrowing in order to spend. In other words, government spending is limited by the government’s ability to tax or borrow.

#2. With government deficits we are leaving our debt burden to our children.

#3: Government budget deficits take away savings.

#4: Social Security is broken.

#5: The trade deficit is an unsustainable imbalance that takes away jobs and output.

#6: We need savings to provide the funds for investment.

#7: It’s a bad thing that higher deficits today mean higher taxes tomorrow.

Introduction

The purpose of this book is to promote the restoration of American prosperity. It is my contention that the 7 deadly innocent frauds of economic policy are all that’s standing between today’s economic tragedy and the full restoration of American prosperity.

I have recently begun campaigning for the office of US Senator from Connecticut, my home State, solely as a matter of conscience. My purpose for running and national agenda is to restore American prosperity with three simple proposals.

The first is what’s called a full payroll tax holiday where the US Treasury stops taking some $20 billion EACH WEEK from people working for a living and instead makes all FICA payments for both employees and employers. The average American couple earning a combined $100,000 per year will see their take home pay go up by over $650 PER MONTH which will help them make their mortgage payments, stay in their homes, and bring an end to the financial crisis, and also pay their bills and do their shopping as American returns to what used to be our normal way of life.

My second proposal is for the Federal Governent to distribute $500 per capita of revenue sharing to the State Governments with no strings attached to tide them over and help them sustain their essential services while the spending power and millions of jobs funded by people’s spending from the extra take home pay from the payroll tax holiday restores economic activity, and the States revenues return to where they were before the crisis.

My third proposal to restore American prosperity is a Federally funded $8/hr job for anyone willing and able to work. The purpose of this program is primarily to provide a transition from unemployment to private sector employment. The payroll tax holiday and the State revenue sharing will bring an immediate acceleration of economic activity, and private sector employers will very quickly be looking to hire millions of additional workers to meet the growing demand for their products. Unfortunately past recessions have shown that business is reluctant to hire those who have been unemployed, with the long term unemployed being the least attractive to business. Fortunately, studies have also shown that transitional employment as I’ve proposed dramatically facilitates the transition from unemployment to private sector employment. It also draws other people into the labor force and gives them a chance to show what they can do, show they are responsible, show that they can get to work on time, work well with others, and display to their supervisor the traits that help reduce a private sector employer’s risks when taking on new employees. This includes giving hope and opportunity to many of those who don’t have any chance of private sector employment, including high risk teenagers, people getting out prison, and middle aged men and women who lost their jobs and who’s unemployment benefits have long ran out, or have never held real jobs, as well as seniors looking to make a real contribution to society. While this program involves the lowest expenditure of my three proposals, it is equally important as it helps smooth and optimize the transition to private sector employment as the economy grows.

So what leads me to believe I’m uniquely qualified to be promoting these three proposals? It is because from what I’ve seen over the last 40 years, I’m perhaps the only one who can take on the question of ‘How are you going to pay for it?’ and, hopefully, open the door to not only American, but world prosperity, as well as forever bring the study of economics back to the operation realities of our monetary system.

CHAPTER ONE—THE FIRST DEADLY INNOCENT FRAUD

Deadly Innocent Fraud #1:

The government must raise funds through taxing or borrowing in order to spend. In other words, government spending is limited by the government’s ability to tax or borrow.

Fact:

The actual act of Government spending is NOT operationally limited or in any way constrained by taxing or borrowing.

Ask any congressman (as I have many times), or private citizen, how it all works, and he will tell you emphatically that:

“…the government has to either tax or borrow to get funds to spend, just like any household has to somehow get the money it needs to spend.”
And from this comes the inevitable question about healthcare, defense, social security, and everything else:

‘How are you going to pay for it?!’

This is the killer question, the one no one gets right, and getting the answer to this question right is the core of the public purpose behind writing this book.

In the next few moments of reading it will all be revealed to you with no theory and no philosophy- just a few hard, cold facts.
I answer this question by first looking at exactly how government taxes, followed by how government spends.

HOW GOVERNMENT TAXES

Let’s start by looking at what happens if you pay your taxes by writing a check.

When the government gets your check, and your check is deposited and ‘clears,’ all the government does is change the number in your checking account ‘downward’ when they subtract the amount of your check from your bank balance.

Does the government actually get anything real to give to someone else? No, it’s not like they get a gold coin to spend.
You can actually watch this happen with online banking. You can see the balance in your bank account on your computer screen.
Suppose the balance in your account is $5,000 and you write a check to the govt. for $2,000.

When that checks clears (gets processed), what happens? The 5 turns into a 3, and your new balance is now down to $3,000. All before your very eyes!
And all they did was change a number in your bank account.

The government didn’t actually ‘get’ anything to give to someone else.
No gold coin dropped into a bucket at the Fed.

All they did was change numbers in bank accounts. Nothing ‘went’ anywhere.

And what happens should you go to the Government to pay your taxes with actual cash?

First, you hand over your pile of currency to the person on duty as payment.

Next, he counts it, and then gives you a receipt and hopefully a thank you for helping to pay for social security, the interest on the national debt, and the Iraq war.

Then, as you, the tax payer, leave the room and close the door behind you, he takes that hard earned cash you just forked over and throws it in a shredder.

Yes, it gets thrown it away. Destroyed! Why? They have no further use for it. Just like a ticket to the Super Bowl. As you go into the stadium, you hand the man a ticket that was worth maybe $1000, and then he tears it up and throws it away. In fact, you can actually buy shredded money in Washington DC.

So if government throws away your cash after collecting it, how does that cash pay for anything, like Social Security and the rest of the government’s spending?

It doesn’t. Something else is going on.

Can you now see why it makes no sense at all to say the government has to get money by taxing in order to spend? In no case does it actually ‘get’ anything that it subsequently ‘uses.’ So if govt. doesn’t actually get anything when it taxes, how and what does it spend?

HOW GOVERNMENT SPENDS

Imagine you are expecting your $2,000 social security payment to hit your bank account which already has $3,000 in it, and you are watching your account on your computer screen. You are about to see how government spends without having anything to spend.

Presto!

Suddenly your account statement that read $3,000 now reads $5,000. What did the government do to give you that money?

It simply changed the number in your bank account from 3,000 to 5,000. It changed the 3 into a 5. That’s all. It didn’t take a gold coin and hammer it into a computer. All it did was change a number in your bank account by making data entries into its own spread sheet which is linked to other spread sheets in the banking system.

Government spending is all done by data entry on its own spread sheet we can call ‘The US dollar monetary system.’
And even if the government paid you with actual cash, that cash is nothing more than the same data, but written on a piece of paper rather than entered into a spread sheet.

And how about this quote from the good Federal Reserve Bank Chairman on 60 minutes for support:

(PELLEY) Is that tax money that the Fed is spending?
(BERNANKE) It’s not tax money. The banks have– accounts with the Fed, much the same way that you have an account in a commercial bank. So, to lend to a bank, we simply use the computer to mark up the size of the account that they have with the Fed.1

The Chairman of the Federal Reserve Bank is telling us in plain English that they give out money (spend and lend) simply by changing numbers in bank accounts. There is no such thing as having to ‘get’ taxes (or borrow) to make a spread sheet entry that we call ‘Government spending.’ Computer data doesn’t come from anywhere. Everyone knows that!

Where else do we see this happen? Your team kicks a field goal and on the scoreboard the score changes from, say, 7 point to 10 points. Does anyone wonder where the stadium got those three points? Of course not! Or you knock down 5 pins at the bowling alley and your score goes from 10 to 15. Do you worry about where the bowling alley got those points? Do you think all bowling alleys and football stadiums should have a ‘reserve of points’ in a ‘lock box’ to make sure you can get the points you have scored? Of course not! And if the bowling alley discovers you ‘foot faulted’ and lowers your score back down by 5 points, does the bowling alley now have more score to give out? Of course not!

We all know how ‘data entry’ works, but somehow this has gotten all turned around upside down and backwards by our politicians, media, and most all of the prominent main stream economists.

Just keep this in mind as a starting point:

The Federal Government doesn’t ever ‘have’ or ‘not have’ any dollars.

Just like the stadium doesn’t ‘have’ or ‘not have’ a hoard of points to give out.
When it comes to the dollar, our Government, working through its Federal agencies called the Federal Reserve Bank and the US Treasury Department, is the score keeper. (And it also makes the rules!)

You now have the operational answer to the question:

‘How are we going to pay for it?’

Answer- the same way government pays for anything- it changes the numbers in our bank accounts.

Government isn’t going to ‘run out of money’ as our President has mistakenly repeated. There is no such thing. Nor is it dependent on ‘getting’ dollars from China or anyone else. All it takes for Government to spend is change numbers up in bank accounts at its own bank- the Federal Reserve Bank. There is no numerical limit to how many dollars our Government can spend, whenever it wants to spend. This includes making interest payments, and Social Security and Medicare and payments. It includes all Government payments made in dollars to anyone.

This is not to say excess government spending won’t possibly cause prices to go up (which we call inflation).

It is to say the government can’t go broke and can’t be bankrupt. There is simply no such thing.

So why does no one in government seem to get it? Why does the Ways and Means Committee in Congress worry about ‘how are we going to pay for it’?
One reason might be because they are stuck in the popular notion that the government, just like any household, must somehow first ‘get’ money to be able to spend it.

Yes, they have heard that it’s different for a government, but they don’t believe it, and there’s never a convincing explanation that makes sense to them.
What they all miss is the difference between spending your own currency that only you create, and spending a currency someone else creates.

So to properly utilize this popular government/household analogy in a meaningful way, we next look at an example of a ‘currency’ created by a household.
The story begins with the parents creating coupons they then use to pay their children for doing various household chores.

Additionally, to ‘drive the model,’ the parents require the children to pay them a tax of 10 coupons a week to avoid punishment.

This closely replicates taxation in the real economy, where we have to pay our taxes or face penalties.
The coupons are now the new household currency. Think of the parents as ‘spending’ these coupons to purchase ‘services’ (chores) from their children.
With this new household currency, the parents, like the government, are now the issuer of their own currency.

And now you can see how a household with its own currency is indeed very much like a government with its own currency.

Let’s begin by asking some questions about how this new household currency works.

Do the parents have to somehow get coupons from their children before they can pay their coupons to their children to do chores?
Of course not!

In fact, the parents must first spend their coupons by paying their children to do household chores, to be able to collect the payment of 10 coupons a week from their children. How else can the children get the coupons they owe the parents?

Likewise, in the real economy, the Federal Government, just like this household with its own coupons, doesn’t have to get the dollars it spends from taxing or borrowing, or anywhere else, to be able to spend them. With modern technology, the Federal Government doesn’t even have to print the dollars it spends the way the parents print their own coupons.

Remember, the Federal Government itself neither has nor doesn’t have dollars, any more than the bowling alley ever has a box of points. When it comes to the dollar, our Government is the scorekeeper.

And how many coupons do the parents have in the parent/child coupon story? It doesn’t matter. They could even just write down on a piece of paper how many coupons the children owe them, how many they’ve earned, and how many they’ve paid each month.

When the Federal Government spends, the funds don’t ‘come from’ anywhere any more than the points ‘come from’ somewhere at the football stadium or the bowling alley.

Nor does collecting taxes (or borrowing) somehow increase the government’s ‘hoard of funds’ available for spending.
In fact, the people at the US Treasury who actually spend the money (by changing numbers on bank accounts up) don’t even have the phone numbers of the people at the IRS who collect taxes (they change the numbers on bank accounts down), or the other people at the US Treasury who do the ‘borrowing’ (issue the Treasury securities).

If it mattered at all how much was taxed or borrowed to be able to spend, you’d think they at least would know each other’s phone numbers! Clearly, it doesn’t matter for their purposes.

From our point of view (not the government’s) we need to first have US dollars to be able to make payments. Just like the children need to earn the coupons from their parents before they can make their weekly coupon payments. And State governments, cities, and businesses are all in that same boat as well. They all need to be able to somehow get dollars before they can spend them. That could mean earning them, borrowing them, or selling something to get the dollars they need to be able to spend.

In fact, as a point of logic, the dollars we need to pay taxes must, directly or indirectly, from the inception of the currency, come from government spending (or government lending, which I’ll discuss later).

Now let’s build a national currency from scratch.

Imagine a new country with a newly announced currency.
No one has any.
Then the government proclaims, for example, a property tax.
How can it be paid?

It can’t, until after the government starts spending.

Only after the government spends its new currency does the population have the funds to pay the tax.
To repeat, the funds to pay taxes, from inception, come from government spending (or lending). Where else can they come from?

Yes, that means the government had to spend first, to ultimately provide us with the funds we need to pay our taxes.
The government, in this case, is just like the parents who have to spend their coupons first, before they can start actually collecting them from their children.

And, neither the government, nor the parents, from inception, can collect more of their own currency than they spend. Where else could it possibly come from?
So while our politicians truly believe government needs to take our dollars, either by taxing or borrowing, for them to be able to spend, the truth is we need the Federal Government’s spending to get the funds we need to pay our taxes.

We don’t get to change numbers like the federal government does (or the bowling alley and the football stadium).

And just like the children who have to earn or somehow get their coupons to make their coupon payments, we have to earn or somehow get US dollars to make our payments.

And, as you now understand, this is just like it happens in any household that issues its own coupons. The coupons the kids need to make their payments to their parents have to come from their parents.

And, as previously stated, government spending is in no case operationally constrained by revenues (tax payments and borrowings). Yes, there can be and there are ‘self imposed’ constraints on spending put there by Congress, but that’s an entirely different matter. These include debt ceiling rules, Treasury overdraft rules, and restrictions of the Fed buying securities from the Treasury. They are all imposed by a Congress that does not have a working knowledge of the monetary system. And, with our current monetary arrangements, all of those self imposed constraints are counterproductive with regard to furthering public purpose. All they do is put blockages in the monetary plumbing that wouldn’t otherwise be there, and, from time to time, create problems that wouldn’t otherwise arise. In fact, it was some of these self imposed blockages that caused the latest financial crisis to spill over to the real economy and contribute to the recession.

The fact that government spending is in no case operationally constrained by revenues means there is no ‘solvency risk.’ In other words, the federal government can always make any and all payments in its own currency, no matter how large the deficit is, or how few taxes it collects. This, however, does NOT mean the government can spend all it wants without consequence. Over spending can drive up prices and create inflation. What it does mean is there is no solvency risk, which means the federal government can’t go broke, and there is no such thing as our government ‘running out of money to spend’ as President Obama has incorrectly stated repeatedly. Nor, as President Obama also stated, is US spending limited by what it can borrow.

So next time you hear ‘where will the money for social security come from’ go ahead and tell them ‘it’s just data entry. It comes from the same place as your score at the bowling alley comes from.’

Putting it all yet another way, government checks don’t bounce, unless the government decides to bounce its own checks.

Government checks don’t bounce.

A few years ago I gave a talk in Australia at an economics conference. The title was ‘Government Checks Don’t Bounce.’ In the audience was the head of research for the Reserve Bank of Australia, a Mr. David Gruen. This was high drama. I had been giving talks for several years to this group of academics and I had not convinced most of them that government solvency wasn’t an issue. They always started with the familiar ‘What Americans don’t understand is that it’s different for a small, open economy like Australia than it is for the United States.’ There seemed to be no way to get it through their perhaps overeducated skulls that at least for this purpose none of that matters. A spread sheet is a spread sheet. All but Professor Bill Mitchell and a few of his colleagues seemed to have this mental block, and so they deeply feared what would happen if ‘the markets’ turned against Australia to somehow keep them from being able to ‘finance the deficit.’

So I began my talk about how government checks don’t bounce, and after a few minutes David’s hand shot up with the statement familiar to all modestly advanced economic students:

‘If the interest rate on the debt is higher than the rate of growth of GDP, than the government’s debt is unsustainable.’
It wasn’t even a question. It was presented as a fact.

I then replied ‘I’m an operations type of guy, David, so tell me, what do you mean by the word unsustainable?’ Do you mean that if the interest rate is very high, and 20 years from now the government debt has grown to a large enough number the government won’t be able to make its interest payments? And if it writes a check to a pensioner that check will bounce?’

David got very quiet, deep in thought, and said while he was thinking it through ‘you know, when I came here, I didn’t think I’d have to think through how the Reserve Bank’s check clearing works’ in an attempt at humor. But no one in the room laughed or made a sound. They were totally focused on what his answer might be. Again, this was high drama - it was the ‘showdown’ on this issue.

David finally said ‘no, we’ll clear the check, but it will cause inflation and the currency will go down. That’s what people mean by unsustainable.’

There was dead silence in the room. The long debate was over. Solvency is not an issue, even for a small, open economy. Bill and I instantly commanded an elevated respect, which took the usual outward form of ‘well of course, we always said that’ from the former doubters and skeptics.

I continued with David, ‘Well, I think most pensioners are concerned about whether the funds will be there when they retire, and whether the Australian government will be able to pay them.’ To which David replied, ‘No, I think they are worried about inflation and the level of the Australian dollar.’ To which Professor Martin Watts, head of the economics department at the University of Newcastle replied, ‘The Hell they are, David!’ To which David very thoughtfully replied, ‘Yes, I suppose you’re right.’

So what actually was confirmed to the Sydney academics in attendance that day? Governments using their own currency can spend what they want when they want, just like the football stadium can put points on the board at will. The consequences of overspending might be inflation or a falling currency, but never bounced checks.
The fact is:

Government deficits can never cause a government to miss any size payment. There is no solvency issue. There is no such thing as running out of money when spending is just changing numbers upwards in bank accounts at your own Federal Reserve Bank.
Yes, households, businesses, and even the States need to have dollars in their bank accounts when they write checks, or those checks can bounce. That’s because the dollars they spend are created by someone else—the Federal Government- and households, businesses, and the States are not the scorekeeper for the dollar.

Why Government Taxes

So why then does government tax us, if it doesn’t actually get anything to spend or need to get anything to spend?

(Hint: It’s the same reason the parents demand 10 coupons a week from their children, when the parents don’t actually need the coupons for anything.)

There is a very good reason they tax us. Taxes create an ongoing need in the economy to get dollars, and therefore an ongoing need for people to sell their goods and their services and their labor to get dollars. With tax liabilities in place the government can buy things with its otherwise worthless dollars, because someone needs the dollars to pay taxes.

Just like the coupon tax on the children creates an ongoing need for the coupons which can be earned by doing the chores for the parents.
Think of a property tax. (You’re not ready to think about income taxes—it comes down to the same thing, but it’s a lot more indirect and complicated). You have to pay the property tax in dollars or lose your house. It’s just like the kids situation, where the need to get 10 coupons or face the consequences.

So now you are motivated to sell things—goods, services, your own labor—to get the dollars you need. It’s just like the kids, who are motivated to do chores to get the coupons they need.

Finally, I have to connect the dots from some people needing dollars to pay their taxes to everyone wanting and using dollars for almost all of their buying and selling. To do that, let’s go back to the example of a new country, with a new currency I’ll call “the crown”, where the government levies a property tax.
Let’s assume the government levies this tax for the further purpose of raising an army, and offers jobs to soldiers who are paid in “crowns”.
Suddenly, a lot of people who own property now need to get crowns, and many of them won’t want to get crowns directly from the government by serving as soldiers. So they start offering their goods and services for sale in exchange for the new crowns they need and want, hoping to get these crowns without having to join the army.

Other people now see many things for sale they would like to have—chickens, corn, clothing, and all kinds of services like haircuts, medical services, and many other services. The sellers of these goods and services want to receive crowns to avoid having to join the army to get the money they need to pay their taxes.

The fact that all these things are being offered for sale in exchange for crowns makes some other people join the army to get the money needed to buy some of those goods and services.

In fact, prices will adjust until as many soldiers as the government wants are enticed to join the army. Because until that happens, there won’t be enough crowns spent by the government to allow the taxpayers to pay all of their taxes, and those needing the crowns who don’t want to go into the army will cut the prices of their goods and services as much as they have to in order to get them sold, or else thow in the towel and join the army themselves.

The following is is not merely a theoretical concept. It’s exactly what happened in Africa in the 1800’s when the British established colonies there to grow crops. The British offered jobs to the local population, but none of them were interested in earning British coins. So the British placed a “hut tax” on all their dwellings, payable only in British coins. Suddenly, the area was “monetized,” as everyone now needed British coins, and the local population started offering things for sale to get the needed coins, including offering their labor for sale. The British could then hire them and pay them in British coins to work the fields and grow their crops.

And this is exactly what the parents did to get labor hours from their children to get the chores done.

And that’s exactly how all of what are called non convertible currencies work (no more gold standards and very few fixed exchange rates left), like the US dollar, the Japanese yen, and the British pound.

Now we’re ready to look at the role of taxes from a different angle, that of today’s economy, using some of the language of economics.

A learned economist today would say that “taxes function to reduce aggregate demand.” Their term aggregate demand is just a fancy term for “spending power.”
The government taxes us and takes away our money for one reason—so we have that much less to spend which makes the currency that much more scarce and valuable.
Taking away our money can also be thought of as leaving room for the government to spend without causing ‘inflation.’

Think of the economy as one big department store full of all the goods and services we all produce and offer for sale every year. We all get paid enough in wages and profits to buy everything in that store, assuming we spent all the money we earned and all the profits we made. (And if we borrow to spend we can buy even more than there is in that store.)

But when some of our money goes to pay taxes, that leaves us short of the spending power we would need to buy all of what’s for sale in the store. This gives government the ‘room’ to buy what it wants so that when it spends what it wants the combined spending of government and the rest of is isn’t too much for what’s for sale in the store.

This is what happens when the government taxes too much relative to its spending, and total spending isn’t enough to make sure everything in the store gets sold.

Keep in mind the public purose behind government doing all this is to raise an army, operate a legal system, support a legislature and executive branch of government, promote public infrastructure, promote basic research, etc. So there is quite a bit that even the most conservative voters would have the government do.

So I look at it this way-

for the ‘right’ amount of government spending which we presume is necessary to run the nation the way we would like to see it run, how high should taxes be?
The reason I look at it this way is because the ‘right amount of government spending’ is an economic and political decision that, properly understood, has nothing to do with government finances. The real ‘costs’ of running the government are the real goods and services it consumes- all the labor hours, fuel, electricity, steel, carbon fiber, hard drives, etc. etc. etc. The real cost of the government using all these real goods and services is that those resources would other wise be available for the private sector. So when they government takes those real resources for its own purposes, there are that many fewer real resources left for private sector activity.

So, for example, the real cost of the ‘right size’ army with enough soldiers to defend ourselves is that there are fewer workers left in the private sector to grow the food, build the cars, do the doctoring and nursing and administrative tasks, sell us stocks and real estate, paint our houses, mow our lawns, etc. etc. etc.

Therefore, the way I see it, we first set the size of government at the ‘right’ level, based on real benefits and real costs, and not the ‘financial’ considerations. The monetary system is the tool we use to achieve our real economic and political objectives, not the source of information as to what those objectives are. And after deciding what we need to spend to the ‘right sized’ government, we adjust taxes so that we all have enough spending power to buy what’s still for sale in the ‘store’ after the government is done with its shopping.

In general, I’d expect taxes to be quite a bit lower than government spending, for reasons already explained and also for reasons explained later in this book. In fact, a budget deficit of perhaps 5% of our gross domestic product might turn out to be the norm, which in today’s economy is about $750 billion annually. However, that number per se is of no particulary economic consequence, and could be a lot higher or a lot lower, depending on the circumstances. What matters is that taxes are set to balance the economy and make sure it’s not too hot or not too cold. And government spending is set at the ‘right amount’ given the size and scope of government we want.

That means just because we are in a slow down, we should not add to the size of government to help the economy. We should already be at the ‘right’ size for government, and therefore not add to it every time the economy slows down and grow it to the ‘wrong’ size. So while during a slowdown increasing government spending will indeed make the numbers work, and will end the recession, for me that is far less desireable than accomplishing the same thing with the ‘right’ tax cuts in sufficient size to restore non government spending to the desired amounts.

Even worse is increasing the size of government just because the government might find itself in surplus. Again, government finances tell us nothing about how large government should be. That decision is rightly and totally independent of government finances. The right amount of government spending has nothing to do with tax revenues or the ability to borrow, as both of those are but tools for implementing policy on behalf of public purpose, and not reasons for spending or not spending, and not sources of revenue needed for actual government spending.

I’ll get specific on what role I see for government later in this book, but rest assured my vision is for a far more streamlined and efficient government, that’s intensely focused on the basis of fundamental public purpose. Fortunately, there are readily available and infinitely sensible ways to do this. We can put the right incentives in place that channel market forces with far less regulation and guidance to better promote the public purpose. This will result in a government and culture that will continue to be the envy of the world. It will be a government that expresses our American values of rewarding hard work and innovation, and promoting equal opportunity, equitable outcomes, and enforceable laws and regulations we can respect with true pride.

But I digress. Returning to the issue of how high taxes need to be, recall that if the government simply tried to buy what it wanted to buy and didn’t take away any of our spending power-no taxes- there would be ‘too much money chasing too few goods’ and the result would be a lot of inflation. In fact, with no taxes nothing would even be offered for sale in exchange for the government money in the first place, as previously discussed.

To prevent the government’s spending from causing that kind of inflation, the government must take away some of our spending power by taxing us, not to actually pay for anything, but so their spending won’t cause inflation. The economist would say it this way- taxes function to regulate aggregate demand, not to raise revenue per se.

In other words, the government taxes us, and takes away our money, to prevent inflation, and not to actually get our money in order to spend it.
Restated one more time- Taxes function to regulate the economy, and not to get money for Congress to spend.

And, again, the government neither has nor doesn’t have dollars, it simply changes numbers in our bank accounts upward when it spends, and downwards when it taxes.

All, presumably, for the further public purpose of regulating the economy.

But as long as government continues to believe this first of 7 deadly innocent frauds- that they need to get money from taxing or borrowing in order to spend, they will continue to support policy that constrains output and employment, and prevents us from achieving what are otherwise readily available economic outcomes.

CHAPTER TWO—THE SECOND DEADLY INNOCENT FRAUD

Deadly Innocent Fraud #2:

With government deficits we are leaving our debt burden to our children.

Fact:

Collectively, in real terms, there is no such burden possible. Debt or no debt, our children get to consume whatever they can produce.

This deadly innocent fraud is often the first answer most give to what they perceive to be the main problem associated with government deficit spending.
Borrowing now means paying for today’s spending later. Or, as commonly seen and heard in the media:

“Higher deficits today mean higher taxes tomorrow.”

And paying later means somehow our children’s real standard of living and general well being will be lower because of our deficits.
Professional economists call this the ‘intergenerational’ debt issue. It is thought that if the federal government deficit spends, it is somehow leaving the real burden of today’s expenditures to somehow be paid for by future generations.

And the numbers are staggering.

But, fortunately, like all of the 7 deadly innocent frauds, it is all readily dismissed in a way that all can understand.
In fact, the idea of our children being somehow necessarily deprived of real goods and services in the future because of what’s called the national debt is nothing less than ridiculous.

Here’s a story that illustrates the point:

A year or two ago I ran into former Senator and Governor Lowell Weicker of Connecticut and his wife Claudia on a boat dock in St. Croix. I asked Senator Weicker what was wrong with the country’s fiscal policy. He replied we have to stop running up these deficits and leaving the burden of paying for today’s spending to our children.

I then asked him the following questions to hopefully illustrate the absurdity of his statement:

“When our children build 15 million cars per year 20 years from now, will they have to send them back in time to 2008 to pay off their debt?”

“Are we still sending real goods and services back in time to 1945 to pay off the lingering debt from World War II?”

Interestingly, it was Claudia who instantly grasped it, agreed with me, and asked her husband what he had to say to that. All he could say was he had to think about it some more.

Of course we all know we don’t send real goods and services back in time to pay off federal government deficits, and that our children won’t have to do that either.

Nor is there any reason government spending from previous years should prevent our children from going to work and producing all the goods and services they are capable of producing.

And in our children’s future, just like today, whoever is alive will be able to go to work and produce and consume their real output of goods and services, no matter how many US Treasury securities are outstanding.

There is no such thing as giving up current year output to the past, and sending it back in time to previous generations. Our children won’t and can’t pay us back for anything we leave them- even if they wanted to.

Nor is the financing of deficit spending anything of any consequence. When government spends, it just changes numbers up in our bank accounts. More specifically, all the commercial banks we use for our banking have bank accounts at the Fed called reserve accounts. Foreign governments have reserve accounts at the Fed as well. These reserve accounts at the Fed are just like checking accounts at any other bank.

When government spends without taxing all it does is change the numbers up in the appropriate checking account (reserve account) at the Fed. That means when government makes a $2,000 social security payment to you, for example, it changes the number up in your bank’s checking account at the Fed by $2,000 which also automatically changes the number up in your account at your bank by $2,000.

Next you need to know what a US Treasury security actually is. A US Treasury security is nothing more than a savings account at the Fed. When you buy a treasury security, you send your dollars to the Fed and some time in the future they send the dollars back plus interest. The same holds true for any savings account at any bank. You send the bank dollars and you get them back plus interest.

So let’s say your bank decides to buy $2,000 worth of Treasury securities. To pay for those Treasury securities, the Fed reduces the number of dollars your bank has in its checking account at the Fed by $2,000, and adds $2,000 to your bank’s savings account at the Fed. (I’m calling the Treasury securities savings accounts, which is all they are.)

In other words when the US government does what’s called ‘borrowing money,’ all it does is move funds from checking accounts at the Fed to savings accounts (Treasury securities) at the Fed. In fact, the entire $13 trillion national debt is nothing more than the economy’s total holdings of savings accounts at the Fed.

And what happens when the Treasury securities come due, and that ‘debt’ has to be paid back? Yes, you guessed it, the Fed merely shifts the dollar balances from the savings accounts at the Fed (Treasury securities) to the appropriate checking accounts at the Fed (reserve accounts). Nor is this anything new. It’s been done exactly like this for a very long time, and no one seems to understand how simple it is and that’s it never can be a problem.

What the government deficits can influence is the current year distribution of real output.

Distribution is about who gets all the goods and services that are produced. In fact, this is what politicians do every time they pass legislation. They redirect real goods and services by decree, for better or for worse. And the odds of doing it for better are substantially decreased when they don’t understand the 7 Deadly Innocent Frauds. Each year, for example, Congress discusses tax policy, always with an eye to the distribution of income and spending. Many seek to tax those ‘who can most afford it’ and direct federal spending to ‘those in need.’ And they also decide how to tax interest, capital gains, estates, etc. as well as how to tax income. All of these are distributional issues.

In addition, Congress decides who they hire and fire, who they buy things from, and who gets direct payments. Congress also makes laws that directly affect many other aspects of prices and incomes.

Foreigners who hold US dollars are particularly at risk. They earn those dollars from selling us real goods and services, yet have no assurance they will be able to buy real goods and services from us in the future. Prices could go up (inflation) and the US Government could legally impose all kinds of taxes on anything foreigners wish to buy from us, which reduces their spending power.

Think of all those cars Japan sold to us for under $2,000 years ago. They’ve been holding those dollars in their savings accounts at the Fed (they own US Treasury securities), and if they now wanted to spend those dollars they would now probably have to pay in excess of $20,000 per car to buy cars from us, if they even wanted to. What can they do about the higher prices? Call the manager and complain? They’ve traded millions of perfectly good cars to us in exchange for credit balances on the Fed’s books that can buy only what we allow them to buy. And look at what happened recently- the Federal Reserve cut rates, which reduced the interest Japan earns on its US Treasury securities. (This discussion continues in a subsequent innocent fraud.)

This is all perfectly legal and business as usual, as each year’s output is ‘divided up’ among the living. None of the real output gets ‘thrown away’ because of outstanding debt, no matter how large. Nor does outstanding debt reduce output and employment, except of course when ill informed policy makers decide to take anti deficit measures measures that do reduce output and employment. Unfortunately, that is currently the case, and that is why this is a deadly innocent fraud.

Today (March 1, 2009), it’s clear Congress is taking more spending power away from us in taxes than is needed to make room for their own spending. Even after we spend what we want and our government does all of its massive spending, there’s still a lot left unsold in that big department store called the economy.

How do we know that? Easy! Count the bodies in the unemployment lines. Look at the massive amount of excess capacity in the economy. Look at what the Fed calls the ‘output gap’ which is the difference between what we could produce at full employment and what we are now producing. It’s enourmous.

Sure, there’s a ‘record deficit and national debt,’ which now you know means we all have that much in savings accounts at the Fed called Treasury securities. And, incidentally, the cumulative US budget deficit, adjusted for the size of the economy, is still far below Japan’s, far below most all of Europe, and very far below the World War II US deficits that got us out of that depression with no debt burden consequences, of course.

And if you’ve gotten this far into this book you may already know why the size of the deficit isn’t a financial issue. And hopefully you know that taxes function to regulate the economy, and not to raise revenue the way Congress thinks.

When I look at today’s economy, it’s screaming at me that that problem is people don’t have enough money to spend. It’s not telling me they have too much spending power and are over spending.

Who would not agree?

Unemployment has doubled and GDP is more than 10% below where it would be if Congress wasn’t over taxing us and taking so much spending power away from us.

And when we operate at less than our potential- less than full employment- then we are depriving our children of the real goods and services we could be producing on their behalf. When we cut back on our support of higher education we are depriving our children of the knowledge they’ll need to be the very best they can be in their future days. When we cut back on basic research and space exploration we are depriving our children of all the fruits of that labor we are instead transferring to the unemployment lines.

So yes, those alive get to consume this year’s output, and also get to decide to use some of the output as ‘investment goods and services, ’ which should increase future output.

And yes, Congress has a big say in who consumes this year’s output. And potential distributional issues due to previous federal deficits can be readily addressed by Congress and distribution can be legally altered to their satisfaction.

So How Do We Pay Off China?

Those worried about paying off the national debt can’t possibly understand how it all works at the operational, nuts and bolts, debits and credits level. Otherwise they would realize that question is entirely inapplicable.

What they don’t understand is that both dollars and US Treasury debt (securities) are nothing more than ‘accounts’ which are nothing more than numbers that the government makes on its own books.

So let’s start by looking a how we got where we are today with China.

It all started when China wanted to sell things to us and we wanted to buy them.

For example, let’s suppose the US Army wanted to buy $1 billion worth of uniforms from China, and China wanted to sell $1 billion worth of uniforms to the US Army at that price.

So the Army buys $1 billion worth of uniforms from China.
First, understand both parties are ‘happy.’ There is no ‘imbalance.’ China would rather have the $1 billion than the uniforms or they wouldn’t have sold them, and the US army would rather have the uniforms than the money or it wouldn’t have bought them. The transactions are all voluntary.
But back to our point- how does China get paid?

China has a reserve account at the Federal Reserve Bank. To quickly review, a reserve account is nothing more than a fancy name for a checking account. It’s the Federal Reserve Bank so they call it a reserve account instead of calling it a checking account.

So to pay China, the Fed adds $1 billion to China’s checking account at the Fed. It does this by changing the numbers in China’s checking account up by $1 billion. The numbers don’t come from anywhere any more than the numbers on a scoreboard at a football came come from anywhere.

China then has some choices. It can do nothing and keep the $1 billion in its checking account at the Fed, or it can buy US Treasury securities.

Again, to quickly review, a US Treasury security is nothing more than a fancy name for a savings account at the Fed. The buyer gives the Fed money, and gets it back later with interest. That’s what a savings account is- you give a bank money and you get it back later with interest.
So let’s say China buys a one year Treasury security.

All that happens is that the Fed subtracts $1 billion from China’s checking account at the Fed, and adds $1 billion to China’s savings account at the Fed.
And all that happens a year later when China’s one year Treasury bill comes due is the Fed removes that money from of China’s savings account at the Fed (including interest) and adds it to China’s checking account at the Fed.

Right now China is holding some $2 trillion US Treasury securities. So what do we do when they mature and it’s time to pay China back? We remove those dollars from their savings account at the Fed and add them to their checking account at the Fed, and wait for them to say what, if anything they might want to do next.

This is what happens when all US government debt comes due, which happens continuously. The Fed removes dollars from savings accounts and adds dollars to checking accounts on its books. And when people buy Treasury securities, the Fed removes dollars from their checking accounts and adds them to their savings accounts. So what’s all the fuss?

It’s all a tragic misunderstanding.
China knows we don’t need them for ‘financing our deficits’ and is playing us for fools. Today that includes Geithner, Clinton, Obama, Summers, and the rest of the administration. It also includes Congress and the media.

They know all we owe them to ‘pay them back’ is a bank statement from the Fed that says how much is in their checking account at the Fed.

Now let me describe this all a bit more technically for those of you who may be interested.
When a Treasury bill, note, or bond is purchased by a bank, for example, the government makes two entries on its spreadsheet we call the ‘monetary system.’

First, it debits (subtracts from) the buyer’s reserve account (checking account) at the Fed.
Then it increases (credits) the buyer’s securities account (savings account) at the Fed.

As before, the government simply changes numbers on its own spread sheet - one number gets changed down and another gets changed up.
And when the dreaded day arrives, and the Treasury securities Chinas holds come due and need to be repaid, the Fed again simply changes two numbers on its own spread sheet.

The Fed debits (subtracts from) China’s securities account at the Fed.
And they credit (add to) China’s reserve (checking) account at the Fed.
That’s all- debt paid!

China now ‘has its money back.’ It has a (very large) dollar balance in its checking account at the Fed. If it wants anything else- cars, boats, real estate, other currencies- it has to buy them at market prices from a willing seller who wants dollar deposits in return. And if China does buy something the Fed will subtract that amount from China’s checking account and add that amount to the checking account of whoever China bought it all from.

Notice too, that ‘paying off China’ doesn’t change China’s stated $ wealth. They simply have dollars in a checking account rather than US Treasury securities (a savings account) of equal dollars. And if they want more Treasury securities instead, no problem, the Fed just moves their dollars from their checking accout to their savings account again, by appropriately changing the numbers.

Paying off the entire US national debt is but a matter of subtracting the value of the maturing securities from one account at the Fed, and entering adding that valued to another account at the Fed. These transfers are non-events for the real economy, and not the source of dire stress presumed by the mainstream economists, the politicians, business people, and the media.

One more time:
To pay off the national debt the government changes two entries in its own spreadsheet - a number that says how many securities are owned by the private sector is changed down, and another number that says how many $ US are being kept at the Fed in reserve accunts is changed up.
Nothing more.
Debt paid, all creditors have their ‘money back’.
What’s the big deal?
So what happens if:
China refuses to buy our debt at current low interest rades paid to them. Interest rates have to go up to attract their purchase of the Treasury Securities, right?

Wrong!

They can leave it in their checking account. It’s of no consequence to a US government that understands its own monetary system. The fundes are not ‘used’ for spending, as we previously described. There are no negative consequences of funds being in a checking account at the Fed rather than a savings account at the Fed.

What happens if China says—I don’t want to keep a checking account at the Fed any more? Pay me in gold or some other means of exchange!

They simply do not have that option under our current “fiat currency” system. If they want something other than dollars they have to buy it from a willing seller, just like the rest of us so when we spend our dollars.

And some day it will be our children changing numbers on what will be their spread sheet, just as seamlessly as we did.

Though hopefully with a better understanding!

But for now, the deadly innocent fraud of leaving our debt to our children continues to drive policy, and keeps us from optimizing output and employment.
The lost output and depreciated human capital is a real price we and our children paying for now that diminishes both the present and the future. We make do with less than what we can produce, and sustain high levels of unemployment, while our children are deprived of the real investments that would have been made on their behalf if we knew how to keep our human resources fully employed and productive.

CHAPTER THREE—THE THIRD DEADLY INNOCENT FRAUD

Deadly Innocent Fraud #3:

Government budget deficits take away savings.

Fact:

Government budget deficits ADD to savings.

Lawrence Summers
Several years ago I had a meeting with Senator Tom Daschle and then Assistant Treasury Secretary Lawrence Summers. I had been discussing these innocent frauds with the Senator, and explaining how they were working against the well being of those who voted for him. So he set up this meeting with the Assistant Treasury Secretary, who was also a former Harvard economics professor and had two uncles who had won Nobel prizes in economics, to get his response and hopefully confirm what I was saying.

I opened with a question:
“Larry, what’s wrong with the budget deficit?”
To which he replied:
“It takes away savings that could be used for investment.’

To which I replied:
“No it doesn’t, all Treasury securities do is offset operating factors at the Fed. It has nothing to do with savings and investment”

To which he replied:
“Well, I really don’t understand reserve accounting so I can’t discuss it at that level.”

Senator Daschle was looking at all this in disbelief. The Harvard professor of economics Assistant Treasury Secretary Lawrence Summers didn’t understand reserve accounting? Sad but true. So I spent the next twenty minutes explaining the ‘paradox of thrift’ (more detail on this innocent fraud #6 later) step by step, which he sort of got right when he finally responded.

“…so we need more investment which will show up as savings?”
I responded with a friendly ‘yes’ after giving this first year economics lesson to the good Harvard professor and ended the meeting. And the next day I saw him on a podium with the Concord Coalition- a band of deficit terrorists- talking about the grave dangers of the budget deficit.

This third deadly innocent fraud was and is alive and well at the very highest levels.

So here’s how it really works, and it could not be simpler:
Any $US government deficit exactly EQUALS the total net increase in the holdings $US financial assets of the rest of us- businesses and households, residents and non residents- what’s called the ‘non government’ sector.

In other words,
Government deficits = increased ‘monetary savings’ for the rest of us. To the penny.
Most simply- Governmtent deficits ADD to ‘our’ savings, to the penny.

This is accounting fact, not theory or philosophy. There is no dispute. It is basic national income accouting.
So, for example, if the government deficit was $1 trillion last year, it means the net increase in savings of financial assets for everyone else combined was exactly $1 trillion.
To the penny.
(For those who took some economics courses, you might remember that net savings of financial assets is held as some combination of actual cash, Treasury securities, and member bank deposits at the Federal Reserve.)

This is economics 101, and first year money banking. It is beyond dispute. It’s an accounting identity. Yet it’s misrepresented continuously, and at the highest levels of political authority. They are just plain wrong.

Just ask anyone at the CBO (Congressional Budget Office), as I have, and they will tell you they have to ‘balance the check book’ and make sure the government deficit equals our new savings, or they have to stay late and find their accounting mistake.

As before, it’s just a bunch of spread sheet entries on the government’s own spreadsheet. When the accountants debit (subtract from) the account called ‘government’ when government spends, they also credit (add to) the accounts of whoever gets those funds. When the government account goes down, some other account goes up, by exactly the same amount.

Next is an example of how operationally government deficits add to savings. This also puts to rest a ridiculous new take on this innocent fraud that’s popped up recently:
“Deficit spending means the government borrows from one person and gives it to another, so nothing new is added- it’s just a shift of money from one person to another.”

In other words, they are saying deficits don’t add to our savings, but just shift savings around. This could not be more wrong! So let’s demonstrate how deficits do ADD to savings, and not just shift savings:
1. Start with the government selling $100 billion of Treasury securities.

(Note this sale is voluntary, which means the buyer buys the securities because he wants to. Presumably because he believes he is better off buying them than not buying them. No one is ever forced to buy government securities. They get sold at auction to the highest bidder who is willing to accept the lowest yield.)

2. When the buyers of these securities pay for them, bank accounts at the Fed are reduced by $100 billion to make the payment.
In other words, money in bank accounts at the Fed is exchanged for the new Treasury securities (which are also accounts at the Fed). At this point (non government) savings is unchanged. The buyers now have new Treasury securities as savings, rather than the money that was in their bank accounts before they bought the Treasury securities.

3. Now the Treasury spends $100 billion after the sale of the $100 billion of new Treasury securities.

4. This Treasury spending adds back $100 billion to someone’s bank accounts.

5. The non government sector now has its $100 billion of bank accounts back
AND $100 billion of new Treasury securities.

Bottom line-
The deficit spending of $100 billion directly added $100 billion of savings in the form of new Treasury securities to non government savings (which includes everyone but the government).
The savings of the buyer of the $100 billion of new treasury securities shifted from money in his bank account to his holdings of the Treasury securities.
Then the Treasury spent $100 billion after selling the Treasury securities, and the savings of receipents of those funds saw their bank accounts and savings increase by that amount.
So, to the original point, deficit spending doesn’t just shift financial assets (money and Treasury securities) outside of the government.
Instead, deficit spending directly adds that amount of savings of financial assets to the non govt sector.
And, likewise,
A federal budget surplus directly subtracts exactly that much from our savings.
And the media and politicians and even top economists all have it BACKWARDS!

In July 1999 the front page of the Wall Street Journal had two headlines. Towards the left was a headline praising President Clinton and the record government budget surplus, and explaining how well fiscal policy was working. On the right margin was a headline that said Americans weren’t saving enough and we had to work harder to save more. Then a few pages later there was a graph with one line showing the surplus going up, and another line showing savings going down.

They were nearly identical, but going in opposite directions, and clearly showing the gains in the government surplus roughly equaled the losses in private savings.

There can’t be a budget surplus with private savings increasing (including nonresident savings of $US financial assets). There is no such thing, yet not a single mainstream economist or government official had it right.

Al Gore
Early in 2000, in a private home in Boca Raton Florida, I was seated next to then Presidential Candidate Al Gore at a fundraiser/dinner to discuss the economy.

The first thing he asked was how I thought the next president should spend the coming $5.6 trillion surplus forecast for the next 10 years. I explained that there wasn’t going to be a $5.6 trillion surplus, because that would mean a $5.6 trillion drop in non government savings of financial assets, which was a ridiculous proposition. At that time the private sector didn’t even have that much in savings to be taxed away by the government, and the latest surpluses of several hundred billion dollars had already removed more than enough private savings to turn the Clinton boom to the soon to come bust.

I pointed out to Candidate Gore how the last six periods of surplus in our more than two hundred year history had been followed by the only six depressions in our history, and how the coming bust due to allowing the budget to go into surplus and drain our savings would result in a recession that would not end until the deficit got high enough to add back our lost income and savings, and deliver the aggregate demand needed to restore output and employment.

I suggested the $5.6 trillion surplus forecast for the next decade would more likely be a $5.6 trillion deficit, as normal savings desires are likely to average 5% of GDP over that period of time.

And that’s pretty much what happened. The economy fell apart, and President Bush temporarily reversed it with his then massive deficit spending of 2003, but after that, and before we had enough deficit spending to replace the financial assets lost to the Clinton surplus years (a budget surplus takes away exactly that much savings from the rest of us), we let the deficit get too small again, and after the sub-prime debt driven bubble burst we again fell apart due to a deficit that was and remains far too small for the circumstances.

For the current level of government spending, govt is over taxing us and we don’t have enough after tax income to buy what’s for sale in that big department store called the economy.

Anyway, Al was a good student, and went over all the details, and agreed it made sense and was indeed what might happen, but said he couldn’t ‘go there.’ And I said I understood the political realities, as he got up and gave his talk about how he was going to spend the coming surpluses.

Robert Rubin
Maybe 10 years ago, around the turn of the century, just before it all fell apart, I found myself in a private client meeting at Citibank with Robert Rubin and about 20 Citibank clients. Rubin gave his take on the economy, and indicated the low savings rate might turn out to be a problem. With just a few minutes left, I told him I agreed about the low savings rate being an issue, and added:

“Bob, does anyone in Washington realize that the budget surplus takes away savings from the non government sectors?
To which he replied:
“No, the surplus adds to savings. When the govt runs a surplus, it buys Treasury securities in the market, and that adds to savings and and investment.
To which I replied:
“No, when you run a surplus we have to sell our securitites to get the money to pay our taxes, and our net financial assets and savings go down by the amount of the surplus.”
Rubin: “No, I think you’re wrong.”

I let it go and the meeting was over. My question was answered. If he didn’t understand surpluses removed savings no one in the administration did. And the economy crashed soon afterwards.

When the January 09 savings report was released, and the press noted that the rise in savings to 5% of GDP was the highest since 1995, they failed to note the current budget deficit passed 5% of GDP, which also happens to be the highest it’s been since 1995.

Clearly the mainstream doesn’t yet realize deficits add to savings. And if Al Gore does, he isn’t saying anything. So watch this year as the federal deficit goes up and savings goes up. Again, the only source of ‘net $ US monetary savings’ (financial assets) for the non government sectors combined (both residents and non residents) is US government deficit spending.

And watch how the same people who want us to save more at the same time want to ‘balance the budget’ by taking away our savings, either through spending cuts or tax increases.

They are all talking out of both sides of their mouths.
They are part of the problem, not part of the answer.
And they are at the very highest levels.
Except for one.

Professor Wynne Godley
Professor Wynne Godley, retired head of Economics at Cambridge University and now over 80 years old, was widely renowned as the most successful forecaster of the British economy for multiple decades. And he did it all with his ‘sector analysis’ which had at its core the fact that the government deficit equals the savings of financial assets of the other sectors combined. And even the success of his forecasting, the iron clad support from the pure accounting facts, and the weight of his office, all of which continues to this day, he has yet to convince the mainstream of the validity of his understandings.

So now we know deficits aren’t the ‘bad things’ the way the mainstream thinks they are.

The government won’t go broke;
Federal deficits don’t burden our children;
Federal deficits don’t just shift funds from one person to another; and
Federal deficits add to our savings.
Taxes function to regulate our spending power and the economy in general.

If the ‘right’ level of taxation needed to support output and employment happens to be a lot less than government spending, that resulting budget deficit is nothing to be afraid of regarding solvency, sustainability, or doing bad by our children.

The only risk is inflation (to be discussed in detail later in this book).

So what is the role for deficits in regard to policy?
It’s very simple. Whenever spending falls short of sustaining our output and employment; when we don’t have enough spending power to buy what’s for sale in that big department store we call the economy for ANY reason; government can act to see to it our own output is sold by either cutting taxes or increasing govt. spending.

So if everyone wants to work and earn money but doesn’t want to spend it, fine!

Government can either buy the output (hand out contracts for infrastructure repairs, national security, medical research, and the like or spend directly) and/or keep cutting taxes until we decide to spend and buy our own output. The choices are political. ‘Finance’ and the size of the deficit offers no useful informantion in making that decision.

The right sized deficit is the one that gets us to where we want to be with regards to output and employment, as well as the size of government we want, no matter how large or how small a deficit that might be.

What matters is real life- output and employment- not the size of the deficit, which is an accounting statistic. In the 1940’s an economist named Abba Lerner called this ‘Functional Finance’ and wrote a book by that name that is still very relevant today.

More on this later, as we now move on to the next innocent fraud.

CHAPTER FOUR—THE FOURTH DEADLY INNOCENT FRAUD

Deadly Innocent Fraud #4:

Social Security is broken.

Fact:

Government Checks Don’t Bounce.

If there is one thing all members of Congress believe is that social security is broken. President elect Obama said the money won’t be there. President Bush used the word bankruptcy four times in one day, and Senator McCain said social security is broken. They are all wrong.

As we’ve already discussed, the government never has or doesn’t have any of its own money. It spends by changing numbers in our bank accounts. This includes social security.

There is no operational constraint on the Government’s ability to meet all Social Security payments in a timely manner.
It does’t matter what the numbers are in the Social Security Trust Fund account.
The trust fund is nothing more than record keeping, as are all accounts at the Fed.

When it comes time to make Social Security payments, all the govt has to do is change numbers up in the beneficiary’s accounts, and then change numbers down in the trust fund accounts to keep track of what it did. If the trust fund number goes negative, so be it. That just reflects the numbers that are changed up as payments to beneficiaries are made.

And one of the major discussions in Washington is whether or not to privatize social security. As you might be guessing by now, that entire discussion makes no sense whatsoever, so let me begin with that and then move on.

The idea of privatization is that:
1. Social security taxes and benefits are reduced, and instead,
2. The amount of the tax reduction is used to buy specified shares of stock. And
3. Because the government is going to collect that much less in taxes the budget deficit will be that much higher, and so the government will have to sell that many more Treasury securities to ‘pay for it all’ (as they say).

Got it?

1. They take less each week from your pay check for social security and
2. You get to use the funds they no longer take from you to buy stocks.
3. You later will collect a bit less in social security payments when you retire, but
4. You will own stocks that will hopefully become worth more than the social security payments you gave up.

From the point of view of the individual it looks like an interesting trade off. The stocks you buy only have to go up modestly over time for you to be quite a bit ahead.

Those who favor this plan say yes, it’s a relatively large one time addition to the deficit, but the savings in social security payments down the road for the government pretty much makes up for that, and the payments going into the stock market will help the economy grow and prosper.

Those against the proposal say the stock market is too risky for this type of thing, and point to the large drop in 2008 as an example. And if people lose in the stock market the government will be compelled to increase social security retirement payments to keep them out of poverty. Therefore, unless we want to risk a high percentage of our seniors falling below the poverty line, government is taking all the risk.

They are both terribly mistaken. (Who would have thought!)

The major flaw in this main stream dialogue is what is called a ‘fallacy of composition.’ The typical textbook example of a fallacy of composition is the football game where you can see better if you stand up, and then conclude that everyone would see better if everyone stood up.

Wrong!

If everyone stands up no one can see better, and everyone is standing up rather than sitting down. So all are worse off.

They all are looking at what is called the micro level for the individual social security participants rather than looking at the macro level which includes the entire population.

To understand what’s fundamentally wrong at the macro (big picture, top down) level, you first have to understand that participating in social security is functionally the same as buying a government bond. Let me explain.

With the current social security program you give the government your dollars now, and it gives you back dollars later. That is exactly what happens when you buy a government bond (yes, or put your money in a savings account). You give the government your dollars now and you get dollars back later plus any interest.

Yes, one might turn out to be a better investment and give you a higher return, but apart from the rate of return, each is very much the same.(Now that you know this, you are way ahead of Congress, by the way.)

Steve Moore
And now you are ready to read about the conversation of several years back I had with Steve Moore, then head of economics at the CATO institute, now a CNBC regular, and a long time supporter of privatizing Social Security.

Steve came down to speak about social security at one of my conferences in Florida. He gave his talk that went much like I just stated- by letting people put their money in the stock market rather than making social security payments they will better off over time when they retire, and the one time increase in the government budget deficit will be both well worth it and probably paid down over time in the expansion to follow, as all that money going into stocks will help the economy grow and prosper.

At that point I led off the question and answer session.

Warren: “Steve, giving the government money now in the form of social security taxes, and getting it back later is functionally the same as buying a government bond, where you give the government money now and it gives it back to you later. The only difference is the return.”

Steve: “OK, but with government bonds you get a higher return than with Social Security which only pays your money back at 2% interest. Social Security is a bad investment for individuals.”

Warren: “OK, I’ll get to the investment aspect later, but let me continue. Under your privatization proposal, the government would reduce Social Security payments and the employees would put that money into the stock market.”

Steve: “Yes, about $100 per month, and only into approved, high quality stocks.”

Warren: “OK, and the US Treasury would have to issue and sell additional securities to cover the reduced revenues.”

Steve: “Yes, and it would also be reducing social security payments down the road.”

Warren: “Right. So to continue with my point, the employees buying the stock buy them from someone else, so all the stocks do is change hands. No new money goes into the economy.”

Steve: “Right”

Warren: “And the people who sold the stock then have the money from the sale which is the money that buys the government bonds.”

Steve: “Yes, you can think of it that way.”

Warren: “So what’s happened is the employees stopped buying into social security, which we agree was functionally the same as buying a government bond, and instead bought stocks. And other people sold their stocks and bought the newly issued government bonds. So looking at it from the macro level, all that happened is some stocks changed hands, and some bonds changed hands. Total stocks outstanding and total bonds outstanding, if you count social security as a bond, remained about the same. And so this should have no influence on the economy, or total savings, or anything else apart from generating transactions costs?”

Steve: “Yes, I suppose you can look at it that way, but I look at it as privatizing, and I believe people can invest their money better than government can.”

Warren: “Ok, but you agree the amount of stocks held by the public hasn’t changed, so with this proposal nothing changes for the economy as a whole.”

Steve: “But it does change things for Social Security participants.”

Warren: “Yes, with exactly the opposite change for others. And none of this has even been discussed by Congress or any mainstream economist? It seems you have an ideological bias towards privatization rhetoric, rather than the substance of the proposal.”

Steve: “I like it because I believe in privatization- I believe that you can invest your money better than government can.”

With that I’ll let Steve have the last word here. The proposal in no way changes the number of shares of stock, or which stocks the American public would hold for investment. So at the macro level it is not the case of allowing the nation to ‘invest better than the government can.’ And Steve knows that, but it doesn’t matter, and he continues to peddle the same illogical story that he knows is illogical. And he gets no criticism from the media apart from the discussion as to whether stocks are a better investment than social security, and whether the bonds the government has to sell will take away savings that could be used for investment, and whether the government risks its solvency by going even deeper into debt, and all the other such innocent fraud nonsense.

Unfortunately, the deadly innocent frauds continuously compound and obscure any chance for legitimate analysis.

And it gets worse yet. The ‘intergenerational’ story continues with something like this:
“The problem is that 30 years from now there will be a lot more retired people and proportionately fewer workers (that part’s right), and the Social Security trust fund will run out of money (as if number in a trust fund is an actual constraint on govt’s ability to spend…silly, but they believe it), so to solve the problem we need to figure out a way to be able to provide seniors with enough money to pay for the goods and services they will need.”

With that last statement it all goes bad. They assume that the real problem of fewer workers and more retirees, which is also known as the dependency ratio, can be ‘solved’ by making sure the retirees have sufficient funds to buy what they need.

Let’s look at it this way. 50 years from now when there is one person left working and 300 million retired people (I exaggerate to make the point), that guy is going to pretty busy since he’ll have to grow all the food, build and maintain all the buildings, do the laundry, take care of all medical needs, produce the TV shows, etc. etc. etc.

So what we need to do is make sure those 300 million retired people have the funds to pay him??? I don’t think so! This problem obviously isn’t about money.

What we need to do is make sure that one guy working is smart enough and productive enough and has enough capital goods and software to be able to get all that done, or those retirees are in serious trouble, no matter how much money they might have.

So the real problem is, if the remaining workers aren’t sufficiently productive there will be a general shortage of goods and services and more ‘money to spend’ will only drive up prices, and not somehow create more goods and services.

The mainstream story deteriorates further as it continues:
“Therefore, government needs to cut spending or increase taxes today, to accumulate the funds for tomorrow’s expenditures.”

By now I trust you know this is ridiculous, and evidence of the deadly innocent frauds hard at work to undermine our well being and the next generation’s standard of living as well.

Our government neither has or doesn’t have dollars. It spends by changing numbers up in our bank accounts, and taxes by changing numbers down in our bank accounts.

And raising taxes serves to lower our spending power. That’s ok if spending is too high causing the economy to ‘overheat’ as we have too much spending power for what’s for sale in that big department store called the economy.

But if that’s not the case, and, in fact, spending is falling far short of what’s needed to buy what’s offered for sale at full employment levels of output, raising taxes and taking away our spending power only makes things that much worse.

And the story gets even worse. Any mainstream economist will agree that there pretty much isn’t anything in the way of real goods we can produce today that will be useful 50 years from now. They go on to say that the only thing we can do for our descendents that far into the future is to do our best to make sure that they have the knowledge and technology to help them meet their future demands.

So the final irony is that in order to somehow ‘save’ public funds for the future, what we do is cut back on expenditures today, which does nothing but set our economy back and cause the growth of output and employment to decline.

And, for the final ‘worse yet,’ the great irony is that the first thing they cut back on is education- the one thing the mainstream agrees should be done that actually helps our children 50 years down the road.

Should our policy makers ever actually get a handle on how the monetary system functions, they would realize the issue is social equity, and possibly inflation, but never government solvency.

They would realize that if they want seniors to have more income at any time, it’s a simple matter of raising benefits, and that the real question is, what level of real resource consumption do we want to provide for our seniors? How much food do we want to allocate to them? How much housing? Clothing? Electricity? Gasoline? Medical services? Those are the real issues, and yes, giving seniors more of those goods and services means less for us. The amount of goods and services we allocate to seniors is the real cost to us, not the actual payments, which are nothing more than numbers in bank accounts.

And if they are concerned about the future, they would support the types of education they thought would be most valuable for that purpose.
But they don’t understand the monetary system and they won’t see it the ‘right way around’ until they do understand it.
Meanwhile, the deadly innocent fraud of Social Security takes its toll on both our present and our future well being.

CHAPTER FIVE—THE FIFTH DEADLY INNOCENT FRAUD

Deadly Innocent Fraud #5:

The trade deficit is an unsustainable imbalance that takes away jobs and output.

Facts:

Imports are real benefits and exports are real costs. Trade deficits directly improve our standard of living. Jobs are lost because taxes are too high for a given level of government spending, not because of imports.

By now you might suspect that, once again, the mainstream has it all backwards, including the trade issue. To get on track with the trade issue, always remember this:
In economics, it’s better to receive than to give. Therefore:

Imports are real benefits.
Exports are real costs.

In other words, going to work to produce real goods and services to export to someone else to consume does you no economic good at all, unless you get to import and consume the real goods and services others produce in return.

And also remember:
The real wealth of a nation is all it produces and keeps for itself, plus all it imports, minus what it must export.

A trade deficit in fact increases our real standard of living. How can it be any other way? And the higher the trade deficit the better.

Yes, the mainstream economists, politicians, and media all have the trade issue completely backwards. Sad but true.

To further make the point, if, for example, General McArthur had proclaimed after WWII that since Japan had lost the war, they would be required to send the US 2 million cars a year and get nothing in return, the result would have been a major international uproar about US exploitation of conquered enemies. We would have been accused of fostering a repeat of the aftermath of WWI, where the allies demanded reparations from Germany that were presumably so high and exploitive they caused WWII.

Well, McArthur did not order that, yet for over 60 years, Japan has in fact been sending us about 2 million cars per year, and we have been sending them little or nothing. And, surprisingly, they think this means they are winning the ‘trade war’ and we think it means we are losing it.

Same with China- they think they are winning because they keep our stores full of their products and get nothing in return. And our leaders agree and think we are losing.

This is madness on a grand scheme! Now take a fresh look at the headlines and commentary we see and hear daily:

*The US is suffering from a trade deficit.
*The trade deficit is an unsustainable imbalance.
*The US is losing jobs to China.
*Like a drunken sailor, the US is borrowing from abroad to fund its spending habits, leaving the bill to our children, as we deplete our national savings.

I’ve heard it all. It’s all total nonsense. We are benefiting IMMENSELY from the trade deficit. The rest of the world has been sending us hundreds of billions of dollars worth of real goods and services in excess of what we send them. They get to produce and export, and we get to import and consume.

Is this an unsustainable imbalance? Certainly not for us! Why would we want to end it? As long as they want to send us goods and services without demanding any goods and services in return, why should we not be able to take them?

There is no reason, apart from a complete misunderstanding of our monetary system by our leaders that’s turned a massive real benefit into a nightmare of domestic unemployment.

Recall from the previous innocent frauds, the US can ALWAYS support domestic output and sustain domestic full employment with fiscal policy (tax cuts and/or govt. spending), even when China, or any other nation, decides to send us real goods and services that displace our industries previously doing that work.

All we have to do is keep American spending power high enough to be able to buy BOTH what foreigners want to sell us AND all the goods and services we can produce ourselves at full employment levels. Yes, jobs may be lost in one or more industries. But with the right fiscal policy there will always be sufficient domestic spending power to be able to employ those willing and able to work producing other goods and services for our private and public consumption. In fact, up until recently, unemployment remained relatively low even as our trade deficit went ever higher.

So what about all the noise about the US borrowing from abroad like drunken sailor to fund our spending habits? Also not true! We are not dependent on China to buy our securities or in any way fund our spending.

Here’s what’s really going on:
Domestic credit creation is funding foreign savings.

What does this mean? Let’s look at an example of a typical transaction. Assume you live in the US and decide to buy a car made in China.

You go to a US bank, get accepted for a loan, and spend the funds on the car.
So where do things then stand? You exchanged the borrowed funds for the car, the Chinese car company has a deposit in the bank, and the bank has a loan to you and a deposit belonging to the Chinese car company on their books. First, all parties are ‘happy.’

You would rather have the car than the funds, or you would not have bought it, so you are happy.
The Chinese car company would rather have the funds than the car, or they would not have sold it, so they are happy.
The bank wants loans and deposits, or it wouldn’t have made the loan, so it’s happy.

There is no ‘imbalance.’ Everyone is sitting fat and happy. They all got exactly what they wanted. The bank has a loan and a deposit, so they are happy and in balance. The Chinese car company has the $ US deposit they want as savings, so they are happy and in balance. And you have the car you want and a car payment you agreed to, so you are happy and in balance as well. Everyone is happy with what they have at that point in time.

And domestic credit creation-the bank loan- has funded the Chinese desire to hold a $ US deposit at the bank which we also call savings.

Where’s the ‘foreign capital?’ There isn’t any! The entire notion of the US somehow depending on foreign capital is inapplicable. Instead, it’s the foreigners who are dependent on our domestic credit creation process to fund their desire to save $ US financial assets.

It’s all a case of domestic credit funding foreign savings.

We are not dependent on foreign savings for funding anything.

Nor can we be. Again, it’s our spread sheet and if they want to save our $ they have to play in our sandbox. And what options do foreign savers have for their dollar deposits? They can do nothing, or they buy other financial assets from willing sellers, or they buy real goods and services from willing sellers. And when they do that, at market prices, again, both parties are happy. The buyers get what they want- real goods and services, other financial assets, etc. The sellers get what they want- the dollar deposit. No imbalances are possible. And there is not even the remotest possibility of US dependency on foreign capital, as there’s no foreign capital involved anywhere in this process.

CHAPTER SIX—THE SIXTH DEADLY INNOCENT FRAUD

Deadly Innocent Fraud #6:

We need savings to provide the funds for investment.

Fact:

Investment adds to savings

Second to last but not least, this innocent fraud undermines our entire economy, as it diverts real resources away from the real sectors to the financial sector, and results in real investment being directed in a manner totally divorced from public purpose. In fact, it’s my guess that this deadly innocent fraud might be draining over 20% annually from useful output and employment- a staggering statistic unmatched in human history. And it leads directly the type of financial crisis we’ve been going through.

It begins with what’s called the paradox of thrift in the economics text books, which goes something like this:
In our economy, spending must equal all income, including profits, for the output of the economy to get sold. (Think about that some to make sure you’ve got it before moving on.)

If anyone attempts to save by spending less than his income, at least one other person must make up for that by spending more than his own income, or the output of the economy won’t get sold.

Unsold output means excess inventories, and the low sales means production and employment cuts, and less total income. And that shortfall of income is equal to the amount not spent by the person trying to save.
Think of it as the person trying to save by not spending his income losing his job, and not getting any income, because his employer can’t sell all the output.

So the paradox is, decisions to save by not spending income result in less income and no new net savings.

Likewise, decisions to spend more than one’s income by going into debt cause incomes to rise and can drive real investment and savings.

Consider this extreme example to make the point:

Supposed everyone ordered a new pluggable hybrid car from our domestic auto industry. Because the industry can’t currently produce that many cars, they would hire us, and borrow to pay us to first build the new factories to meet the new demand.

That means we’d all be working on new plant and equipment- capital goods- and getting paid. But there would not yet be anything to buy, so we would necessarily be ‘saving’ our money for the day the new cars roll off the new assembly lines.

The decision to spend in this case resulted in less spending and more savings. And funds spent on the production of capital goods, which constitute real investment, led to an equal amount of savings.

I like to say it this way-

‘Savings is the accounting record of investment’

Professor Basil Moore

I had this discussion with a Professor Basil Moore in 1996 at a conference in New Hampshire, and he asked if he could use that expression in a book he wanted to write. I’m pleased to report the book with that name has been published and I’ve heard it’s a good read. (I’m waiting for my autographed copy.)

Unfortunately, Congress, the media, and mainstream economists get this all wrong, and somehow conclude we need more savings so there will be funding for investment. What seems to make perfect sense at the micro level is again totally wrong at the macro level.

Just as loans create deposits, investment creates savings. So what do our leaders do in their infinite wisdom when investment falls usually, because of low spending?

They invariably decide ‘we need more savings so there will be more money for investment.’ (And I’ve never heard a single objection from any mainstream economist.) And to accomplish this Congress uses the tax structure to create tax advantaged savings incentives, such as pension funds, IRA’s, and all sorts of tax advantaged institutions that accumulate reserves on a tax deferred basis.

Predictably, all that these incentives do is remove aggregate demand (spending power). They function to keep us from spending our money to buy our output. This slows the economy and introduces the need for private sector credit expansion and public sector deficit spending just to get us back to even.

That’s why what seem to be enormous deficits turn out not to be as inflationary as they otherwise might be.

In fact the deficits are necessary to offset these
Congressionally engineered ‘demand leakages’ caused by the tax advantaged savings vehicles.

Ironically, the same Congressmen pushing the tax advantaged savings programs, we need more savings to have money for investment, are the ones categorically opposed to federal deficit spending.

But it gets even worse. The massive pools of funds (created by the deadly innocent fraud that savings are needed for investment) also need to be managed, and for the further purpose of compounding the monetary savings for the beneficiaries.

This is the support base of the dreaded financial sector- thousands of pension fund managers whipping around vast sums of dollars, which are largely subject to government regulation. For the most part that means investing in publicly traded stocks, rated bonds, and with some diversification to other strategies such as hedge funds and passive commodity strategies. And feeding on these ‘bloated whales’ are the inevitable sharks- the thousands of financial professionals in the brokerage, banking, and financial management industries. But that’s another story…

CHAPTER SEVEN—THE SEVENTH DEADLY INNOCENT FRAUD

Deadly Innocent Fraud #7:

Your reward for getting this far is a look at what has become the most common criticism of government deficits:

Higher deficits today mean higher taxes tomorrow.

Fact:

I agree,
the innocent fraud is that it’s a bad thing,
when in fact it’s a good thing!!!

Your reward for getting this far is you already know the truth about this most common criticism of government deficits. I saved this for last so you would have all the tools to give it a decisive and informed response.

First, why does government tax?
Not to get money, but to take away our spending power if it thinks we have too much spending power and it’s causing an inflation problem.

Why are we running higher deficits today?
Because the ‘department store’ has a lot of unsold goods and services in it- unemployment is high and output is lower than capacity. The government is buying what it wants and we don’t have enough after tax spending power to buy what’s left over. So we cut taxes and maybe increase government spending to increase spending power and help clear the shelves of unsold goods and services.

And why would we ever increase taxes?
Not for the government to get money to spend- we know it doesn’t work that way.
We would increase taxes only when our spending power is too high, and unemployment has gotten so low, and the shelves have gone empty do to our excess spending power, and our available spending power is causing unwanted inflation.

So the statement “Higher deficits today mean higher taxes tomorrow” in fact is saying:
“Higher deficits today when unemployment is high will cause unemployment to go down to the point we need to raise taxes to cool down a booming economy.”

Agreed!

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