Krugman: Mission Not Accomplished


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Too bad he doesn’t understand monetary operations and writes this out of paradigm stuff that undoes him in further discussion with the mainstream:

Mission Not Accomplished

By Paul Krugman

What is true is that spending more on recovery and reconstruction would worsen the government’s own fiscal position. But even there, conventional wisdom greatly overstates the case. The true fiscal costs of supporting the economy are surprisingly small.

You see, spending money now means a stronger economy, both in the short run and in the long run. And a stronger economy means more revenues, which offset a large fraction of the upfront cost. Back-of-the-envelope calculations suggest that the offset falls short of 100 percent, so that fiscal stimulus isn’t a complete free lunch. But it costs far less than you’d think from listening to what passes for informed discussion.


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Krugman in NYT Blog


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>   
>   (email exchange)
>   
>   On Tue, Sep 29, 2009 at 11:20 AM, Joshua Davis wrote:
>   
>   moving in the right direction for sure, but for partly
>   the wrong reason…he still misses the point that we’re
>   not on a gold standard…
>   

Yes, very much so. Does not seem like it would take much to set him straight.

If anyone on this list knows him, please email him a copy of ‘the 7 deadly frauds’ thanks!

The true fiscal cost of stimulus

By Paul Krugman

Sept. 29 (NYT Blog) — As I get ready for the CAP and EPI events, I’ve been thinking more about the issue of crowding in. (See also Mark Thoma.) And I’m coming more and more to the conclusion that the public debate over fiscal stimulus, which views it as an agonizing tradeoff between possible benefits now and certain costs later, is wildly off base.

Just to be clear, we’re talking about fiscal stimulus in a liquidity trap — that is, under conditions in which conventional monetary policy has lost traction, in which the Fed would set interest rates much lower if it could. Under more normal conditions the conventional view of stimulus is more or less right. But we’re in liquidity-trap conditions now, and will be for a long time if official projections are at all right. So what does that imply?

First of all, as I and others have pointed out, fiscal expansion does not crowd out private investment — on the contrary, there’s crowding in, because a stronger economy leads to more investment. So fiscal expansion increases future potential, rather than reducing it.

And yes, there’s some evidence to that effect beyond the procyclical behavior of investment. The new IMF analysis of medium-term effects of financial crisis finds that

    the evidence suggests that economies that apply countercyclical
    fiscal and monetary stimulus in the short run to cushion the
    downturn after a crisis tend to have smaller output losses over
    the medium run.

So fiscal expansion is good for future growth. Still, it does burden the government with higher debt, requiring higher taxes or some other sacrifice in the future. Or does it? Well, probably — but not nearly as much as generally assumed.

Here’s why: first, in the short run fiscal expansion leads to higher GDP, which leads to higher revenues, which offset a significant fraction of the initial outlay. A billion dollars in stimulus probably leads to only $600 million or a bit more in additional debt.

But that’s not the whole story. Crowding in raises future GDP — which raises future tax revenues. And the rise in revenues relative to what they would have been otherwise offsets at least some of the burden of debt service.

I’m not proposing a fiscal-stimulus Laffer curve here: it’s probably not true that spending money actually improves the government’s long-run fiscal position (although that’s certainly within the range of possibilities.) What I am suggesting is that fiscal stimulus under current conditions, where theFed funds rate “ought” to be around -5 percent, does much, much less to hurt that long-run position than the headline number would suggest.

And that, in turn, means that penny-pinching on stimulus is deeply, destructively foolish.


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Repost: Comments on Krugman


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Originally posted March 9th, 2009

Yes, but unspoken is the automatic stabilizers are quietly adding to the deficit with each move down, and the curves will cross and the economy start to improve when the deficit gets large enough, whether it’s the ugly way via falling revenues and rising transfer payments, or proactively via a proactive fiscal adjustment.

With income and spending turning mildly positive in January and other indicators such as the commodities also beginning to move sideways as the deficit passes through 5% before the latest fiscal adjustment kicks in, we may be seeing GDP headed towards 0 by q3 or sooner as most forecasters now predict. Unemployment, however, will continue to rise until real growth exceeds productivity growth.

Bottom line, there will be a recovery with or without a proactive fiscal adjustment. the difference is how bad it gets before it turns north.

Behind the Curve

by Paul Krugman

Mar 8 (NYT) — President Obama’s plan to stimulate the economy was a massive, giant, enormous. So the American people were told, especially by TV news, during the run-up to the stimulus vote. Watching the news, you might have thought that the only question was whether the plan was too big, too ambitious.

Yet many economists, myself included, actually argued that the plan was too small and too cautious. The latest data confirm those worries  and suggest that the Obama administration’s economic policies are already falling behind the curve.


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Progress!


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Deficits saved the world

By Paul Krugman

July 15 (NYT) — Jan Hatzius of Goldman Sachs has a new note (no link) responding to claims that government support for the economy is postponing the necessary adjustment. He doesn’t think much of that argument; neither do I. But one passage in particular caught my eye:

    The private sector financial balance—defined as the difference between private saving and private investment, or equivalently between private income and private spending—has risen from -3.6% of GDP in the 2006Q3 to +5.6% in 2009Q1. This 8.2% of GDP adjustment is already by far the biggest in postwar history and is in fact bigger than the increase seen in the early 1930s.


That’s an interesting way to think about what has happened — and it also suggests a startling conclusion: namely, government deficits, mainly the result of automatic stabilizers rather than discretionary policy, are the only thing that has saved us from a second Great Depression.

The following figure makes the argument:

Here I show the private sector surplus and the public sector deficit, both as functions of GDP; the private sector line is upward-sloping because higher GDP means higher income and more savings, the public-sector line is downward-sloping because higher GDP means higher revenues. In equilibrium the private surplus equals the government deficit (not strictly true for any one country if you add in international capital flows, but think of this as a picture for the world economy). To make the figure cleaner I’ve shown an initial position of balance in both sectors, but this isn’t important.

What we’ve had is a sharp increase in the desired private surplus at any given level of GDP, due to a combination of higher personal saving and reduced investment demand. This is shown as an upward shift in the private-surplus curve.

In the 1930s the public sector was very small. As a result, GDP basically had to shrink enough to keep the private-sector surplus equal to zero; hence the fall in GDP labeled “Great Depression”.

This time around, the fall in GDP didn’t have to be as large, because falling GDP led to rising deficits, which absorbed some of the rise in the private surplus. Hence the smaller fall in GDP labeled “Great Recession.”

What Hatzius is saying is that the initial shock — the surge in desired private surplus — was if anything larger this time than it was in the 1930s. This says that absent the absorbing role of budget deficits, we would have had a full Great Depression experience. What we’re actually having is awful, but not that awful — and it’s all because of the rise in deficits. Deficits, in other words, saved the world.


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Ireland’s increased taxes and lowered spending


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Right, seems the eurozone is toast until the rest of the world recovers and starts importing from them of their deficits get high enough via recession- the ugly way- without the national governments and banks defaulting.

Trying to keep deficits from rising with tax hikes only means the economy goes down more as it seeks the necessary higher level of deficit spending for recovery.

A tall order but not impossible.

Erin Go Broke

by Paul Krugman

Apr 19 (New York Times) — “What,” asked my interlocutor, “is the worst-case outlook for the world economy?” It wasn’t until the next day that I came up with the right answer: America could turn Irish.

What’s so bad about that? Well, the Irish government now predicts that this year G.D.P. will fall more than 10 percent from its peak, crossing the line that is sometimes used to distinguish between a recession and a depression.

But there’s more to it than that: to satisfy nervous lenders, Ireland is being forced to raise taxes and slash government spending in the face of an economic slump — policies that will further deepen the slump.


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Comments on Krugman


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Yes, but unspoken is the automatic stabilizers are quietly adding to the deficit with each move down, and the curves will cross and the economy start to improve when the deficit gets large enough, whether it’s the ugly way via falling revenues and rising transfer payments, or proactively via a proactive fiscal adjustment.

With income and spending turning mildly positive in January and other indicators such as the commodities also beginning to move sideways as the deficit passes through 5% before the latest fiscal adjustment kicks in, we may be seeing GDP headed towards 0 by q3 or sooner as most forecasters now predict. Unemployment, however, will continue to rise until real growth exceeds productivity growth.

Bottom line, there will be a recovery with or without a proactive fiscal adjustment. the difference is how bad it gets before it turns north.

Behind the Curve

by Paul Krugman

Mar 8 (NYT) — President Obama’s plan to stimulate the economy was a massive, giant, enormous. So the American people were told, especially by TV news, during the run-up to the stimulus vote. Watching the news, you might have thought that the only question was whether the plan was too big, too ambitious.

Yet many economists, myself included, actually argued that the plan was too small and too cautious. The latest data confirm those worries  and suggest that the Obama administration’s economic policies are already falling behind the curve.


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